The desk clock in He Rui's office ticked away. For nearly a minute, no one in the room spoke. This was a situation He Rui's current secretary had never witnessed before. In recent years, such occurrences only happened during intense confrontations. When He Rui conversed with comrades, he always sought to resolve issues as quickly as possible. The secretary felt a rising sense of unease.

Then He Rui spoke. Simply by breaking the silence, He Rui made the secretary feel much more settled.

"Comrade Youping. I suspect that under the highly controlled mode of general mobilization, you wish to implement mandatory adult re-education to advance work in areas like pension distribution, national consciousness cultivation, and understanding of modern society. You also hope to use a relatively warm and affectionate educational environment to minimize the cold, harsh feeling the war brings to the people."

Hearing this, Wu Youping's eyes lit up, and he nodded repeatedly. After He Rui finished, Wu Youping actively explained, "Chairman, I know there is a conflict between war and this mode, but since this war is led by you, Chairman, the comrades felt there was a possibility for discussion."

"I thank the comrades for their trust in me," He Rui said, his mood somewhat heavy. The general mobilization system placed immense pressure on both the government and the people, so it was divided into many levels. The Northeast Government was now about to adopt the most severe Level A mobilization, extracting the maximum from industry, agriculture, and manpower to sustain a high-intensity, high-severity war.

No person with a conscience would enjoy seeing such a situation. Let alone young men like Wu Youping who dedicated themselves to saving the country. It was perfectly normal for them to come up with various ideas to temper the harshness. Saving China was about enabling the people to live dignified, stable lives, not pushing them into a situation of even more brutal exploitation.

He Rui continued seriously, "If the war proceeds entirely according to my expectations and ends in one year, I would agree to consider discussions in this area. But, Comrade Youping, I cannot make such a guarantee. I believe it is entirely possible the war will last for three years. The Japanese side is very clear that this is not just about the outcome of a war, but about the destiny of their nation. Japan absolutely cannot accept losing its future. For the sake of Japan's future, the Japanese side will exhaust everything. Starting from this reality, I believe you can understand why we cannot discuss such a plan. Because the content you wish to include in mandatory adult education already has solutions."

Wu Youping felt some regret but did not oppose He Rui's view. "Since the Chairman believes the war might enter a third year, we will implement the general mobilization according to plan."

He Rui said nothing more. The plan had been completed long ago; all that was needed now was the leader's signature on the order. He Rui returned to his desk. Even the simple action of picking up his pen seemed to rapidly consume his mental energy, so he simply sat down in his chair. Taking two deep breaths to adjust his mindset, He Rui picked up the pen again and wrote on the official paper under the header 'Northeast Government Chairman Order'.

The level of general mobilization was proposed by the General Staff. The military could not order the government, nor could it issue documents directly to the government. After the content proposed by the General Staff was discussed by the Military Commission, it was conveyed to government heads in the form of a Northeast Government Chairman Order. The members of the Military Commission were currently in various locations, but after receiving telegrams from General Headquarters, they all wired back agreeing to implement the highest level of general mobilization.

He Rui was not afraid, but something seemed to be boiling in his chest. He Rui closed his eyes, allowing his emotions to churn. Years of time had been for this moment. He Rui had thought he would be looking forward to it, but now that the moment had truly arrived, he found he also felt a heavy pressure. He Rui had long considered the possibility that the Great Kanto Earthquake might not happen and had excluded that factor when formulating operational plans. Thinking relying on the Northeast's strength to drain Japan dry could achieve the basic objectives within two years. But to drain Japan to the point of exhaustion, the war would have to be fought into its third year.

The various possibilities involved... He Rui opened his eyes and wrote the order: "From 24:00 on November 10, 1922, the Northeast Government will begin executing Grade A General Mobilization. Chairman of the Northeast Government, He Rui. 16:00, November 8, 1922."

Watching He Rui finish writing and sign and seal the document, the secretary hurriedly took the official paper. Following current document numbering protocols, he assigned a number and notification level to the file.

A Grade A General Mobilization order could be a classified file, or it could not be. With the war having reached this stage, there was no longer any need for secrecy. The Grade A General Mobilization order was issued as a general-level document.

He Rui did not speak but stood up and walked to the window to look outside. Wu Youping stood up silently, walked to He Rui's side, handed him a cigarette, and lit one for himself. Wu Youping had just taken a puff when he heard He Rui say, "Give me a light."

Wu Youping handed the cigarette to He Rui. After He Rui lit his, Wu Youping took his own back and smiled bitterly. "Hehe, Chairman, it has finally begun. I often have a thought these days: if the Chairman could have arrived in the Northeast two years earlier..."

He Rui could fully understand Wu Youping's feelings in saying this. To snuff out the wishful thinking in his own heart, He Rui took two fierce drags on the cigarette and tried to use a resolute tone. "As long as one truly begins to save China, it is never too late."

Wu Youping was just about to reply when he heard the secretary speak behind them. "Chairman, please sign."

He Rui tossed the remaining half of the cigarette out the window and sat back in his seat. The original document had to be archived; what the secretary had completed was the copy. All the content was written out, He Rui only needed to sign.

Reading carefully through this document that concerned the lives of 40 million people for the next three years, He Rui signed his name. Immediately, he stood up and handed the document to Wu Youping with both hands. Wu Youping finished reading it in silence, put the document away, and turned to leave. After taking a few steps, he stopped. When Wu Youping turned back around, he saw He Rui had already walked up to him and extended his hand.

Their palms gripped tightly together. He Rui had recovered his composure. Facing the somewhat uneasy Wu Youping, He Rui encouraged him, "Comrade Youping, we will definitely win!"

Wu Youping shook He Rui's hand firmly, then turned and strode away. Within two hours, even the municipal government on the Outer Mongolian border, furthest from Shenyang, received the Grade A General Mobilization order. The Party, government, and military in every city immediately convened overnight meetings to announce the order.

It was already very cold in the Northeast and Inner/Outer Mongolia in early November. For safety reasons, the Party, government, and military did not dispatch communications personnel overnight to convey the news to grassroots departments. Telegraph notifications were sent only to areas with telegraph facilities.

On the morning of November 9, communications department automobiles, bicycles, and horses set out one after another to convey the news of the meetings downward. Through layer upon layer of meeting notifications, finally, before 24:00 on November 10, with the exception of a very few remote areas that could not be reached for various reasons, every village and town-level unit under the entire Northeast Government had received the Grade A General Mobilization order.

At noon on November 11, Tokyo, Japan, also announced the list of the new cabinet ministers. Kiyoura Keigo, of *kazoku* (noble) origin, assumed the post of the new Prime Minister. Kiyoura Keigo retained members of the Katō Tomosaburō cabinet; Foreign Minister Uchida Kosai and Finance Minister Takahashi Korekiyo both accepted the retention, while Army Minister Tanaka Giichi refused.

Prime Minister Kiyoura Keigo immediately invited General Yamanashi Hanzō to serve as Army Minister and Admiral Takarabe Takeshi to serve as Navy Minister; both agreed to join the cabinet. Kiyoura Keigo's cabinet was completed in an extremely short time. Although many people were dissatisfied with these choices, especially with this wartime cabinet, no one immediately jumped out to criticize.

Changes in the Japanese cabinet were extremely rapid, and the collapse of a wartime cabinet was nothing strange. Having a cabinet to take responsibility was already much better than a leaderless state without one.

Before General Yamanashi Hanzō arrived at the Ministry of War, General Tanaka Giichi invited Chief of the Army General Staff Suzuki Soroku, as well as the formally appointed Manchuria-Mongolia Expeditionary Army Commander Terauchi Hisaichi and Chief of Staff Nagata Tetsuzan, to the conference room at the Ministry of War.

As the outgoing Army Minister, Tanaka Giichi did not hold the meeting in the Army Minister's office. Without any polite formalities, Tanaka Giichi, who looked somewhat haggard, spoke frankly. "Gentlemen, within a few days you may receive news of my transfer to the reserves. As Army Minister, I have long known I must bear responsibility. My only regret is that I cannot see the day of the Empire's victory as an active-duty soldier. I ask you strictly to bear the responsibility of defeating the enemy army and crushing the He Rui regime."

The three active-duty generals did not speak, only bowed. Tanaka Giichi faced Terauchi Hisaichi and Nagata Tetsuzan. "In the last few days, the General Staff Office and the Chief of the Navy General Staff have submitted a proposal to establish the Second Expeditionary Army Headquarters. According to reports, it has received Imperial sanction and should soon be issued to the Ministry of War and the Ministry of Navy."

Hearing this news, Terauchi Hisaichi and Nagata Tetsuzan both breathed a sigh of relief. The current Army Minister Yamanashi Hanzō had a good reputation and was a man who dared to take on matters. Navy Minister Takarabe Takeshi, however, was somewhat controversial.

But what Nagata Tetsuzan cared about was not the fact that Takarabe Takeshi was the son-in-law of Navy elder Yamamoto Gonnohyōe. Although this fact caused Takarabe considerable criticism, earning him the nickname 'Prince Takarabe' for decades...

What Nagata Tetsuzan cared about was that Admiral Takarabe Takeshi was also a man who dared to take responsibility. Most importantly, Takarabe likely would not feign compliance while secretly opposing the landing operations responsible by the Manchuria-Mongolia Second Expeditionary Army Headquarters. for Nagata Tetsuzan, this was enough.

Having handed over his final tasks, Tanaka Giichi rose to take his leave. The group did not see him off, all waiting for the new Army Minister Yamanashi Hanzō to arrive. They soon received news that Prime Minister Kiyoura Keigo had convened an Imperial Conference at the palace, and Yamanashi Hanzō would not arrive until the afternoon.

Everyone was hungry, so they ordered the orderlies to bring lunch. Terauchi Hisaichi ate a piece of pickled vegetable and asked, "Nagata-kun, I have heard some things about Major General Ishiwara. I haven't heard much about Major General Okamura, only that he is an excellent soldier. What is your view on these two, Nagata-kun?"

Nagata Tetsuzan paused. Although he had brought back the reports on meritorious officers from the front lines this time, Nagata had been busy and had absolutely no time to inquire about the Ministry of War's discussions on promotions. He only just learned that Okamura Yasuji and Ishiwara Kanji had already been promoted to Major General.

This was good news for Nagata. Both Okamura Yasuji and Ishiwara Kanji were talents capable of being generals; only in the position of Major General could their abilities truly be utilized. Since Manchuria-Mongolia Expeditionary Army Commander Terauchi Hisaichi asked, Nagata put down his chopsticks and sat up straight. "Commander, Okamura-kun is superior in both strategy and tactics. He is especially skilled in personnel organization. The defenders of Seoul came from over a dozen units and dozens of departments. Within two days, Okamura-kun organized them into an army and configured them according to their characteristics, allowing each to utilize their strengths. His staff work is breathtaking."

Lieutenant General Terauchi Hisaichi had carefully studied the battle reports over the past few days, and what Nagata said was reflected in them. With such a concise summary, Terauchi felt some joy in his heart. The Manchuria-Mongolia Expeditionary Army Headquarters was a temporary combat unit; as Commander, what Terauchi Hisaichi really had to manage was the headquarters and the staff office. Having a top-tier talent skilled in staff work like Okamura was good news for any commander.

Nagata continued his introduction. "As for Ishiwara-kun, most in the army have heard of his attainments in strategy. In this campaign in Korea, Ishiwara-kun personally directed the defense and retreat in Pyongyang amidst a defeated army. With several thousand troops, he resisted tens of thousands of enemy forces, holding out for 48 hours and organizing the great retreat from northern Korea. He possesses both wisdom and courage."

Terauchi was somewhat puzzled hearing this. The old generals in the army had had little contact with a mere Major like Ishiwara Kanji, and his reputation as a thorn in the side had no influence at the upper levels. After the Battle of Seoul, Ishiwara Kanji's image in the eyes of the old generals was 'has personality' and 'straightforward and cute'. According to rumors, Lieutenant General Terauchi had felt Ishiwara Kanji was a more suitable candidate for the Staff Office than Okamura Yasuji. Hearing Nagata's words, it seemed Ishiwara Kanji was more suited as a frontline commander, which Terauchi found somewhat perplexing.

"Nagata-kun, I read the battle reports; Ishiwara-kun's staff work was brilliant. Do you believe Ishiwara-kun is inferior to Okamura-kun in this regard?"

Nagata Tetsuzan felt Terauchi had misunderstood his meaning and explained, "Commander, Ishiwara-kun's staff work is excellent. But Ishiwara-kun's strength lies in quick wit. In emergencies, spotting opportunities in battle, he should be the first choice. For analyzing enemy strategic intent and long-term planning, Ishiwara-kun's judgment must absolutely not be taken lightly."

While Lieutenant General Terauchi was considering Nagata's introduction, Chief of General Staff Suzuki Soroku laughed. "Nagata-kun excels at comprehensive guidance and has the air of a leader. Long-term planning, daily operations, and adapting to circumstances—Okamura-kun and Ishiwara-kun can shoulder these burdens. The staff aspect of the Expeditionary Army Headquarters has no shortcomings. Moreover, all three Major Generals are skilled in frontline command. Terauchi-kun, the young elite generals of the Empire are all under your command."

Hearing the Chief of General Staff say this, Terauchi Hisaichi could only bow slightly, though he did not feel relaxed because of it. However, continuing to chat about this issue would be impolite. Terauchi Hisaichi invited Nagata to continue eating and raised another question himself. "Up to now, I do not know how much budget the Finance Minister can approve."

Chief of General Staff Suzuki Soroku spoke frankly, "The plan to organize 1.5 million Imperial Army troops has been submitted. Including logistical support units, the total number is 2.2 million. Although the Finance Minister will certainly request cuts, the Army will absolutely not accept them. If there are further cuts, we may not have the strength to defeat the enemy army."

Lieutenant General Terauchi nodded repeatedly and couldn't help but speak ill of the Navy. "The Navy currently takes the majority of military funding. If only the Navy could yield a portion of the funds."

However, after saying this, Terauchi didn't believe it himself. And Terauchi was also somewhat dissatisfied with the current Navy Minister Takarabe Takeshi. He always felt that Takarabe was not a man who supported the Continental Policy.

Of course, Terauchi was not wrong. In another timeline, on July 2, Showa 4 (1929), under the Hamaguchi Osachi cabinet, Takarabe took office as Navy Minister. On November 18, he became a plenipotentiary representative alongside Wakatsuki Reijirō at the London Naval Conference, bringing the treaty into existence. He was attacked by the Rikken Seiyūkai led by Inukai Tsuyoshi and Hatoyama Ichirō.

On the afternoon of May 15, the day Takarabe returned to Tokyo from London, Chief of the Navy General Staff Katō Kanji submitted his resignation to Takarabe and presented the "Memorial on the Impeachment of the Hamaguchi Cabinet," demanding Hamaguchi and Takarabe take responsibility for the "violation of supreme command prerogative" to achieve the goal of scrapping the London Treaty.

On June 10, taking the opportunity of reporting to the Showa Emperor, Katō submitted his resignation in person. Five days prior, Suetsugu Nobumasa had also taken the opportunity of lecturing the Emperor to peddle Articles 11 and 12 of the *Constitution of the Empire of Japan*—the issue of supreme command prerogative. The lawsuit went all the way to the Showa Emperor.

Because the Emperor remained silent, later, under the mediation of Saionji Kinmochi and Okada Keisuke, and on the condition that Takarabe also resign as Navy Minister, the House of Representatives, the House of Peers, and the Privy Council passed the London Treaty. Thus, the "violation of supreme command prerogative" was temporarily dropped.

Although these were 'future events', Takarabe Takeshi's performance at the London Naval Conference was indeed because he was very dissatisfied with the Army's insistence on the Continental Policy. He strove to suppress the Army's right to speak.

In the London Naval Treaty:

Article 1 stipulated that between 1931 and 1936, Britain, the United States, and Japan would all renounce the right to replace capital ships under the Washington Naval Treaty, while France and Italy could still replace capital ships according to the Washington Naval Treaty.

Article 2 listed the capital ships that Britain, the United States, and Japan respectively needed to scrap, as well as capital ships that could be converted into training ships.

Article 3 redefined aircraft carriers. Aircraft carriers were combat vessels equipped with aircraft and allowing aircraft to take off and land from them, regardless of tonnage. It also regulated that capital ships could not install aircraft landing decks.

This conference actually allowed Japan to be liberated from restrictions on building aircraft carriers through another avenue. Japan, as a country with industry far inferior to the United States, could only find a new path to develop a superior navy. This was also why Japan temporarily became the world's number one aircraft carrier power and the nation with the most advanced aircraft carrier application in the following decade.

At such a time, Takarabe Takeshi, who supported the treaty's establishment, naturally had to fight the Army for military funds with all his might. This was also Takarabe's consistent stance.

Of course, the Nagata Tetsuzan of 1922 did not consider this matter. Japan had reached the brink of extreme danger. Without the present, there would be no future. Takarabe was not the problem; military funding was the problem.