On July 4, Foreign Minister Yan Huiqing convened the first formal working meeting after taking office. Yan Huiqing's gaze swept over the directors of various departments and finally landed on Liu Bozhen, the Party Secretary of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

At present, the framework of the new government had been basically established, so it was criticized by some domestic intellectuals. Yan Huiqing felt that these criticisms were baffling, especially since some obviously malicious intellectuals used 'Manchu system restoration' to describe the new government system, which made Yan Huiqing feel even more unhappy.

In the current political framework of the Republic, the two highest-ranking people in each department were the department head and the Party Secretary. The department head was responsible for departmental operations, while the Party Secretary was mainly in charge of personnel arrangements. Due to the adoption of the government operation concept of 'clear power and responsibility,' although the Party Committee was indeed nominally the highest decision-making mode, whoever made the decision was responsible. Therefore, powers and responsibilities were quite clear.

The Party Committee itself was more of a communication mechanism, and voting based on the principle of the minority subordinating to the majority would only be adopted in emergencies.

As a diplomat, Yan Huiqing saw that governments with party politics in foreign countries also distinguished between political appointees and civil servants. The current system where Party Secretaries and department heads coexisted was a very normal model for a country with party politics.

However, in the eyes of opponents, this was the Manchu system where Bannermen served as the actual heads of various ministries, and Han people served as executives. In the He Rui government, the Civilization Party always occupied the position of actual supervisor, while other civil servants joining the government played the role of 'workers.'

In Yan Huiqing's view, traditional scholar-bureaucrats did not identify with such a political situation. In their view, the Civilization Party was the Bannermen, an organization more arbitrary and powerful than the Eastern Depot. Therefore, after Yan Huiqing took the post of Foreign Minister, because Yan Huiqing was different from other ministers in that he was not a member of the Civilization Party, newspapers used this as an excuse to write some articles full of hidden barbs. This feeling of being used annoyed Yan Huiqing a bit.

Yan Huiqing used to think that newspapers were decent and the articles written were readable. Now his feeling towards newspapers was terrible, thinking those guys were just talking nonsense.

Therefore, Yan Huiqing initially wondered if he should exchange some pleasantries. But on second thought, he was considered a 'lucky advancement.' After he expressed 'I am willing to serve as Foreign Minister' in the Organization Department's inquiry, He Rui had an interview with Yan Huiqing. In the conversation, He Rui explicitly told Yan Huiqing, "I want to invite Brother Yan to serve as Minister this time naturally because Brother Yan has complete academic qualifications and rich diplomatic experience. However, Chinese diplomacy is bound to face a quite turbulent stage in the near future. In the eyes of various countries, Brother Yan is a moderate."

Yan Huiqing probed at that time, "Chairman, I wonder if I am moderate, or if foreign countries think the Manchu Qing and the previous Republic government were moderate?"

He Rui was amused and laughed out loud. Yan Huiqing observed carefully and couldn't see any sarcasm in He Rui. After laughing, He Rui chatted with Yan Huiqing readily again.

Now Yan Huiqing was unwilling to exchange pleasantries, so he told the content of his conversation with He Rui. This was not only the view of Yan Huiqing and He Rui, but also the view on China's diplomatic situation and diplomatic goals.

"Everyone, now China and foreign countries are in a situation of 'hitting a wolf with a hemp stalk - fear on both sides.' We have to admit that the Great Powers indeed control most of the land in the world, and our diplomacy is easily blockaded. However, in the eyes of the Great Powers, we have completely changed the situation in the Far East and are beginning to shape a brand-new world situation. Since the Far East is a secondary strategic direction for European and American powers, or even a secondary of secondary strategic directions, they will not use huge resources to shape the Far East strategic posture they expect. At this time, our diplomatic focus is to let the Great Powers understand this. After China obtains complete sovereignty and does not recognize the benefits seized by foreign diplomacy through war, we must establish diplomatic relations with the Great Powers on these two bases."

After speaking, Yan Huiqing looked at the comrades of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and saw that everyone had no confusion or surprise but listened attentively to the narration. In the next hour of the meeting, Yan Huiqing confirmed that the structure of launching diplomatic work with various departments as the backbone would not change during Yan Huiqing's tenure.

The work direction of each department was also different. At this stage, establishing diplomatic relations, not forming alliances after establishing diplomatic relations, but being happy to establish good diplomatic relations with various countries was the primary work direction.

After some exchange, Li Shiguang, Director of the Western European Department, raised a question, "Minister Yan, our current diplomacy should not be about making friends widely, right?"

As soon as these words came out, Yan Huiqing immediately expressed agreement. Li Shiguang was a comrade who graduated from a local university in the Northeast after He Rui arrived in the Northeast. This sentence proved that Li Shiguang's view on diplomatic strategy was very keen and precise.

Originally thought the first meeting would not be very pleasant, but the result was different from what Yan Huiqing expected. This made Yan Huiqing feel much more relaxed. When returning to his office for a temporary rest, Yan Huiqing remembered the nonsense of some newspapers.

Those newspapers believed that He Rui of the new government was indeed of the Beiyang lineage. Beiyang leader Yuan Shikai wanted to be a lifelong Great President, and He Rui was going to run a dictatorial government all the way. According to the evaluation of *Xinhua Daily*, this statement was 'either stupid or bad.'

Ministers of a dictatorial government served the head of government. The current Republic government was just the norm of party-style politics under the comprehensive governance of the Civilization Party. Moreover, the ministers had no personal relationship with He Rui. Now there was one Premier and thirteen ministers in the Republic. Except for Morrison and Yan Huiqing, the other twelve were all Civilization Party members. This was called 'political party background,' not that these people had any personal subordination relationship with He Rui.

Moreover, among these ministers, in terms of academic qualifications, ability, and talent, Yan Huiqing didn't think he was better than those people.

Among the fourteen people, all had university degrees. The lowest academic qualifications were Wu Youping and Zhuang Jiaxiong, graduates of the Beiyang Railway Official School. According to the school system in 1925, the Beiyang Railway Official School was a genuine undergraduate degree. Yan Huiqing himself only had an undergraduate degree from the University of Virginia in the United States.

Doctorates and master's degrees accounted for almost half of the ministers. Every minister except Yan Huiqing started from the grassroots level in the Northeast and walked step by step to today's position. Not only were their academic qualifications impeccable, but their political resumes were also very complete. Not only the ministers, but the secretaries of various ministries were also the same; their academic qualifications and political resumes were impeccable.

From the meeting just now, Yan Huiqing could judge that the strength of both Party and government personnel was unquestionable. Compared with peers all over the world, they were absolutely not inferior.

While thinking, the East Asian Department sent a report. Yan Huiqing picked it up and saw, 'Professor Taira Toyomori, Vice President of Tokyo University, applied to come to China for academic exchange and research. The research content is the impact of China's land reform on various aspects of Chinese society.'

Professor Taira Toyomori was He Rui's academic partner more than ten years ago and was a quite simple scholar. So Yan Huiqing wanted to approve it at that time. But on second thought, Yan Huiqing sent someone to invite Party Secretary Liu Bozhen, wanting to see Liu Bozhen's opinion.

After all, the content studied by Professor Taira Toyomori was relatively sensitive, and the land reform issue still had lingering effects. More importantly, land reform was only one policy in the ongoing Chinese revolution. The core of the Chinese revolution lay in 'central direct management to individuals,' completely smashing the tradition of 'imperial power does not extend below the county level' for thousands of years. In order to realize the new political system of 'central direct management to individuals,' land reform was implemented.

Such earth-shaking changes led to intense conflicts between traditions accumulated for thousands of years and the revolution. Anyone who accepted part of the old social form would conflict with the revolution in some aspects. Not only did counter-revolutionaries conflict with the revolution, and opponents conflict with the revolution, but even supporters of the revolution also had conflicts with the revolution in various fields.

So China was currently in a state of low-intensity, high-coverage, and high-frequency civil war. Professor Taira Toyomori was indeed an excellent scholar, but whether Professor Taira Toyomori himself could understand these entangled problems, Yan Huiqing could understand. But Yan Huiqing dared not be completely sure if Party Secretary Liu Bozhen could understand.

Liu Bozhen arrived at Yan Huiqing's place, read the report, and listened to Yan Huiqing's analysis, then asked, "I wonder what the process of academic exchange is?"

"The process depends on how we talk with Professor Taira Toyomori in advance. There can be many modes for the detailed process. The general process is that Professor Taira Toyomori will write a report, and we will ask Professor Taira Toyomori to give us a copy of the report. It will also serve as a basis for our research when formulating policies."

"What if he doesn't give it?" Liu Bozhen asked.

"At least in the future, the official side will not provide Professor Taira Toyomori with opportunities to investigate and research in China."

Liu Bozhen pondered for a moment and asked again, "What if we are not satisfied with the content written by Professor Taira Toyomori?"

"Find the reasons for dissatisfaction, communicate with Professor Taira Toyomori through channels, and ask him to give an explanation. Moreover, as long as we are dissatisfied, Taira Toyomori loses the possibility of coming to China again."

"I think it's okay." Liu Bozhen gave the answer readily.

Now Yan Huiqing was somewhat surprised. But a moment later, Yan Huiqing also felt much happier. Although the outside world thought that the Northeast Government led by He Rui was a military government, and in fact, because He Rui did implement policies to quickly obtain war capabilities when he was in the Northeast. But looking at it now, this group of cadres of the Northeast Government was an excellent government and did not lose normal administrative capabilities because of implementing wartime policies.

Just like Liu Bozhen's question just now, it completely revolved around the process that a 'visiting scholar' should have. He did not make thinking and judgment beyond this scope. If political propaganda and public opinion agitation were the primary considerations, Liu Bozhen would be a 'populist politician' that Yan Huiqing had seen in European and American countries.

Populist politicians use inciting emotions rather than solving problems as a means. Such people have great differences with true academics. If Liu Bozhen were such a person, he wouldn't just ask what the visiting scholar should do and how to solve it if the visiting scholar's academic achievements caused unhappiness. Asking this way should be because Liu Bozhen didn't know these things, so he asked if he didn't understand.

With such a happy mood, the Foreign Minister told the Director of the East Asian Department, "Approve Professor Taira Toyomori's application."

The news was sent to the Liaison Office of the Republic of China in Japan via telegram, and the Liaison Office also handled the procedures for Professor Taira Toyomori and his entourage. Five days later, Professor Taira Toyomori led 8 assistants to arrive at Tianjin Port, and welcoming them was Zhao Tianlin, the former President of Peiyang University.

After the introduction, Taira Toyomori was somewhat surprised. Zhao Tianlin was the current Minister of Culture. Although Taira Toyomori himself was already a famous scholar in Japan and a senior advisor to the Japanese government, meeting Japanese ministers daily. Such a welcome was still high-spec.

Zhao Tianlin stepped forward to shake hands with Professor Taira Toyomori. "Professor Taira, you are the Dean of the Law School, and I am a Doctor of Law. I have many academic questions to ask Professor Taira."

Seeing Zhao Tianlin, a minister of a major country, being so approachable, the assistants behind Taira Toyomori were quite surprised. The assistants all knew that Zhao Tianlin was a Doctor of Law from the United States. Hearing Zhao Tianlin speak about academic issues, they couldn't help but feel awe. Even in Japan, it was rare to see high-ranking officials who valued academics so much.

The person Professor Taira Toyomori wanted to see most was actually his academic partner He Rui. However, hearing Zhao Tianlin say this, he also smiled, "If Your Excellency Minister Zhao doesn't mind, I also want to conduct exchanges in law with Your Excellency and Chinese colleagues. Regarding the legal issues involved in land reform and the legal scope of application faced in the process of land reform, I am indeed very interested. Moreover, I have a strong desire to publicize these research contents publicly in Japan."

Hearing this, Zhao Tianlin felt that a scholar who could become an academic partner with He Rui was indeed outstanding. He pointed to the car waiting nearby, "Then I reiterate again, welcome Professor Taira Toyomori to China. Please get in the car."