February 24, 1925, the second day of the second lunar month, Dragon Head Raising Day. The Japanese in the labor camp finished their breakfast and gathered, ready to devote themselves to today's work.

There were 200,000 Japanese captured in the previous war, of which 190,000 were capable of labor. When the Japanese in the labor camp saw some Westerners and Japanese wearing Japanese military uniforms appearing at the gate accompanied by Republic military personnel and civil officials, their feelings were quite complicated.

The war between the Northeast Government and Japan broke out in October 1922. The two sides actually ceased fire in October 1923 and signed an armistice agreement in November. The earliest captured Japanese had experienced two years and four months. During the more than two years, these Japanese also corresponded with their families. They could also get some news through newspapers and broadcasts in the labor camp. These Japanese were certain that the Japanese government refused to exchange prisoners of war with the Republic government.

Unable to return home was enough to make the captured Japanese despair, and Japan's reason for refusing to exchange prisoners of war chilled these Japanese even more. The Japanese government's reason was very Japanese: due to Japan's terrible economic situation, the Japanese government was unwilling to let these Japanese return to the country and add trouble to Japanese society.

Half of the Japanese in the labor camps were employees of the Japanese army or Japanese companies in China. They arrived in China under the organization of the Japanese government, and after fighting for Japan, they were considered trouble. Although the Japanese were indeed very accepting in this regard, and although it was chilling, they didn't think it was strange.

On the day of Dragon Head Raising on February 2, the group of Westerners and Japanese appearing in the labor camp gave the Japanese in the labor camp hope. 'Leaving Asia and Entering Europe' was Japan's slogan in the past few decades, and Japan had been standing in the same trench as the West in the past few decades. Since Westerners appeared together with Japanese soldiers, the more knowledgeable Japanese captives felt that the Republic government should have started negotiations with 'European' forces.

Negotiations between China and Europe naturally existed, but not as the Japanese captives thought. The British 'liaison officer' Lampson had sent a depressed and unhappy telegram to London. Lampson sighed in the report, 'Even a smart politician like He Rui will become muddled in front of nationalist sentiments,' and believed that the current China was hopeless in the short term.

Lampson also sent the document on the diplomatic bottom line given to him by He Rui to London. Lampson's evaluation of this was not low; after all, from an economic perspective, He Rui's trade policy was nothing to blame. If there was anything to blame, it was that He Rui actually believed that the current China could make the British government accept such a plan, which was purely being dazzled by victory.

Standing in front of the Japanese captives now were members of the International Red Cross. The Red Cross paid close attention to the fiercest war that broke out after the European War and specifically requested permission to pay attention to the treatment of prisoners of war.

The Republic government knew that the stance of this group of Red Cross members must be problematic, so it 'suggested' that the Red Cross could visit Chinese and Japanese POW camps simultaneously. The International Red Cross agreed to this proposal, which was immediately rejected by the Japanese government.

After the efforts of the International Red Cross, the Japanese government put forward conditions: both China and Japan open to the International Red Cross at the same time. The Republic government agreed to this proposal but required its own personnel to go to the POW camps together. The Japanese government discussed for a long time before this visit took place.

It was the first time for the invited famous reporter of *Yomiuri Shimbun*, Morita Mitsuko, to step into a POW camp. Before entering the POW camp, Mitsuko herself did not harbor any expectations.

Mitsuko was 25 years old this year. She was no longer the little girl with a very simple knowledge structure in 1915. Although Mitsuko believed that when treating her, 'He Rui-niichan' would still be that 'He Rui-niichan.' But this identity was the most insignificant among He Rui's many identities.

He Rui-niichan represented the Republic of China with a population of 480 million, represented the Republic National Defense Force with perhaps 3 million people, and represented the industrial and agricultural strength capable of producing cannons, airplanes, trains, and automobiles, with an annual grain output exceeding 300 billion *jin*.

To manage such a country, simple kindness is not only meaningless but even harmful. For a person in this position, even if he himself still has humanity, the surrounding environment will force him to abandon humanity. This is the reality of the world.

So when Mitsuko saw the orderly POW camp, she was inevitably somewhat surprised. There were indeed wooden fences, barbed wire, soldiers with live ammunition, and 'Japanese POW administrators' wearing special marks, as well as big wolfhounds and other fierce-looking existences, but the order here was far better than Mitsuko thought.

With the unfolding of the visit and interview, Mitsuko found that these POW camps were in a sense much better than the current social situation in Japan.

Take the small number of women among the captives as an example. Japanese women did not bind their feet and had always undertaken considerable labor in life. Under the concept of the He Rui government that 'women hold up half the sky,' Japanese women were organized to undertake work within their capabilities through collective labor.

Cooking department, nursing department, early childhood education, primary education, garment making, laundry, post office, haircutting, and even troupe. The captured Japanese women engaged in colorful work. With the support of these departments, the POW camp was more like a society than a cruel and vicious place of pain.

The labor camp was divided into manual labor and handicraft labor. Healthy Japanese men participated in land reclamation, land consolidation, and other work. The 10,000 Japanese without labor capacity were severely disabled soldiers, as well as infants and children completely without labor capacity. They received good care in the POW camp.

Learning that the POW camp educated the prisoners, not only was Mitsuko astonished, but the members of the Red Cross were also quite stunned. However, for the POW management department, this was very necessary and yielded huge returns.

If prisoners of war were seen as labor, as long as they could be operated well, 190,000 people could create very large returns. Just like the group of Japanese who reclaimed land, paying attention to their health and using their physical strength reasonably, they indeed reclaimed a lot of land very efficiently. The agricultural departments in the Northeast and Inner/Outer Mongolia regions evaluated the Japanese labor in these labor camps very highly.

Even for Japanese soldiers who were somewhat disabled after being injured, if they were organized to participate in handicraft production in the POW camp factories with trained women, fostering strengths and circumventing weaknesses, disabled soldiers were also good labor.

Especially paying remuneration for labor in the POW camp made the order here very good. Some prisoners would even send their income back to their homes in Japan to subsidize their family members who fell into hardship due to unemployment in Japan.

In the view of the POW management camp, these were not important, and even beneficial. The order generated by labor greatly reduced the pressure and intensity of managing the POW camp. Nearly 200,000 laborers would consume after having money; they produced and consumed at the same time, also enlivening the Chinese economy.

Mitsuko had studied under Professor Taira Toyomori politically and could fully understand the inner logic of such an arrangement. But how could the members of the International Red Cross understand this? If they could understand this, how could they work in a place like the Red Cross? So the members of the International Red Cross didn't know how to evaluate the reality they saw, and couldn't even find a train of thought for writing the report temporarily.

After visiting for a few days, the Red Cross members still hadn't figured out how to write the report. But they received a notice: 'Because the Japanese government resolutely opposes Chinese members entering the concentration camps in Japan detaining Chinese citizens, as a reciprocal measure, the Chinese side no longer allows the Red Cross to visit the POW camps. And strongly condemns the Japanese government's breach of trust in not abiding by the agreement!'

Mitsuko wanted to interview He Rui very much, but she couldn't act alone either. After being refused to continue the visit, the Japanese officers immediately demanded the Japanese members return to the country immediately. Mitsuko could only regretfully return with the team. When boarding the ship, Mitsuko could only hope that she would have another chance to interview He Rui in the future.

The Japanese officers who came this time were all members of the Control Faction. After returning to Japan, they immediately submitted the written report to Lieutenant General Nagata Tetsuzan. After reading the report, Nagata stood up without saying a word, opened the window, and lit a cigarette.

It was already March 2, and the air in Tokyo had warmed up. But Nagata couldn't feel the vitality of spring. As the Director of the National Mobilization Bureau, what Nagata felt was only the chill of Japan's economic withering. To expand exports, Japan had done its best to gain more market share. However, the degree of openness of Southeast Asian colonies was very limited, and the United States even hit a person when he was down, expressing 'views' on the Japanese Navy. According to the news sent back by the negotiating delegation, the United States asked frankly, 'What is the purpose of Japan maintaining such a navy?'

The Japanese delegation would of course express that this was to guard against China. But the Japanese delegation knew very well in their hearts that such a statement was completely unconvincing. The US Navy was not powerful, but it was also a country capable of building battleships. Everyone was a thousand-year-old fox, so there was no need to play *Strange Stories from a Chinese Studio*. Even if China's industrial development was very rapid, and even if Japan completely stopped developing its navy in the future, it would take at least 15 years for China to possess a maritime force overwhelming the Japanese Navy.

As long as the Japanese Navy continued to develop, it would take China 20 years to catch up with the Japanese Navy. In the next 20 years, the US Navy would face the threat of the Japanese Navy in the Pacific. This was the reason why the United States felt uneasy about Japan.

The US side knew Japan's economic predicament very well and wanted to take this opportunity to stir up trouble. Japan would never give up any naval advantage because of economic difficulties. Such a stance dashed Japan's expectation of expanding the US market.

Just then, the door opened, and Lieutenant General Ishiwara Kanji walked in. Seeing Ishiwara arrive, Nagata asked the orderly to close the door and asked straightforwardly, "Ishiwara-kun, have you heard that He-kun issued a threat to Britain to attack South Asia?"

Ishiwara was stunned for a moment, then laughed, "Nagata-kun, what do you think is He-kun's purpose in doing this?"

"Ishiwara-kun, I don't think He-kun is simply threatening. He-kun must have other means in doing this. Think about what happened after He-kun expressed his desire to unify China and act against Duan Qirui."

Ishiwara Kanji felt that Nagata was scared by He Rui's previous strategic deception. The reason for He Rui's war with Japan was simple: Japan was indeed the biggest threat preventing China's unification. After solving the threat, unification became very easy. But what He Rui hoped most now was to integrate into international trade; striking Britain would not help with this.

"Nagata-kun, the world's largest market at present is the United States, and the second largest market is Britain. Compared with the United States, Britain has a population of 500 million (including colonies), and its consuming population is larger. Is He-kun going to war with Britain because he thinks he has the ability to destroy the British Empire? Moreover, I don't think He-kun will attack Korea. Worsening relations with Japan is of no benefit to He-kun."

Hearing Ishiwara say this, Nagata asked, "But Korea is not without value to He-kun."

Ishiwara immediately objected, "He-kun will never burden himself. There is no need for us to underestimate He-kun at such a time. As for He-kun's strategic breakthrough point, I think it is also possible to delay and wait for changes. After all, China is already unified, and He-kun can afford to wait."

"...But Japan can't afford to wait." Nagata's voice was very gloomy.

A trace of sharpness flashed in Ishiwara's eyes. The forces that assassinated the two MPs certainly wanted to intimidate other forces through killing. The assassination indeed scared many people into silence. But there were more people who dared to be angry but dared not speak, directly leading to the rapid development of the Japan Future Society recently. Reactionaries are reactionaries after all; the actions they took out of fear isolated them instead.

Without even investigating, Ishiwara could deduce who did it. It was definitely not the big landlords, but the forces such as court nobles and powerful families attached to the land system. They relied on the existing political order to obtain political benefits. Once Japan implemented land reform, the biggest beneficiaries would be the political parties engaging in parliamentary politics and the likes of the 'Greater Japan Youth League' engaging in the Imperial Way Faction. No matter which side gained huge political benefits, it would be a huge threat to the old forces.

The assassination adopted to maintain order instead provided a fuse for subsequent events, and the fuse connected the entire Japanese society struggling painfully due to the lack of markets.

Ishiwara had decided to eliminate Nagata, but Ishiwara still wanted to try again, so he asked, "Nagata-kun, if He-kun really launches an attack on Britain as you expect, what do you plan to do, Nagata-kun?"

Nagata answered without hesitation, "Of course I hope Japan can provide war materials to Britain."

Ishiwara continued to ask, "If He-kun can really occupy the advantage, what do you plan to do, Nagata-kun?"

Nagata Tetsuzan had also considered this a lot. Although hesitant at this time, he still answered at a slow rate, "If the situation reaches that point, I still hope to build Japan's economic foundation through a brand-new Anglo-Japanese Alliance."

"Why?" Ishiwara really couldn't figure out why a smart person like Nagata appeared so stubborn on this matter. Britain's relative decline was very obvious; why was Nagata so persistent in binding with Britain? Ishiwara believed that Nagata was by no means a fool; his persistence must have his own reasons.

Seeing Ishiwara's frowned brows, Nagata couldn't help chuckling, "Hehe, Ishiwara-kun, do you still remember our meeting on the Army War College campus at the end of 1921?"

Ishiwara thought for a good while before remembering there seemed to be such a meeting. But what was discussed at the meeting, Ishiwara had forgotten. Having experienced this war and seeing He Rui unify China, Ishiwara himself had undergone huge changes. As for what was said before, Ishiwara had long forgotten.

But Nagata obviously hadn't forgotten. He continued, "I was thinking at that time that Ishiwara-kun is not a so-called democratic politician, so what should the Japan in Ishiwara-kun's eyes look like? After these years, I probably understand."

"Please speak." Ishiwara Kanji became interested.

"If Japan is described as a square, the Japan Ishiwara-kun hopes for is a square where people from all walks of life come and go."

Ishiwara thought for a moment and couldn't help nodding. "Nagata-kun still understands me."

Nagata Tetsuzan continued, "In my opinion, Japan must first be Japan. In front of the square should be the Imperial Family and court nobles representing Japanese tradition, scientists, engineers, and conglomerates representing industrial strength, soldiers representing order, and those scholars representing Japanese culture. If Japan is not led by these people, Japan is no longer Japan."

The image described by Nagata had already emerged in Ishiwara's mind. This image was indeed what Japan looked like now, or even what Japan looked like before. Since Nagata Tetsuzan had such an aesthetic realm at this time, Ishiwara asked, "Nagata-kun, the world has changed."

"No, what changed is industrial technology and organizational models. The country hasn't changed. The current European countries haven't changed; the United States hasn't changed. The change I'm talking about doesn't refer to industrial development, but that the leaders and ruling models of those countries haven't changed from 100 years ago or even 200 or 300 years ago."

Speaking of this, Nagata lit another cigarette. "Ishiwara-kun, you must think that China has undergone huge changes. Then let me ask you, isn't a hero like He-kun who appears once in 500 years a Chinese tradition? As for He-kun's government, what is the difference between it and the governments commanded by Chinese heroes before?"

Now Ishiwara really didn't know how to answer. Although Ishiwara had completely become a supporter of political economy, in a sense, Ishiwara also had to admit that Nagata indeed touched upon the fundamental factors of national inheritance in some aspect. Precisely because of this, Ishiwara couldn't say anything. Because Ishiwara had completely understood the foundation of Nagata's own thoughts.

No matter how smart Nagata was, no matter how hard Nagata tried to push Japan forward. But in essence, Nagata Tetsuzan was just a Japanese dignitary who changed the soup but not the medicine. Nagata's progress was progress centered on Japanese dignitaries. Nagata went from a child of an ordinary person to today; he wanted to become a member of the core Japanese dignitaries, not really to push Japan to a higher realm.

After figuring this out, Ishiwara Kanji stood up and said, "Nagata-kun, I think He-kun's next choice might be very consistent with basic principles. Precisely because of this, I also can't see through it. As for me, I even hope He-kun brings me a surprise. After all, in my opinion, He-kun is a person brave enough to break through. Then, I will take my leave today."

Watching Ishiwara's back disappear out the door, Nagata recited Ishiwara's evaluation of He Rui in his heart, 'a person brave enough to break through,' which made Nagata feel somewhat lost. It wasn't that Nagata didn't want to break through, but as the leader of the Control Faction, Nagata could only make the best use of the cards in his hand. If Nagata dared to break through bravely, then Nagata would be driven out of power.

Nagata sighed and could only wait for He Rui's next move like Ishiwara.