After sending the content that Zhong Yifu hadn't reported immediately to the capital, Cheng Ruofan criticized his old classmate, "Guess what the Chairman's reply telegram will be like?"

Zhong Yifu didn't feel afraid, just felt that he indeed should have telegraphed the central government earlier to explain this matter. Since Cheng Ruofan asked, Zhong Yifu answered, "I think he might not necessarily criticize me for not reporting earlier. But I'm not sure how exactly he will criticize."

"Have you set up anti-colonial training camps and Burmese cadre training classes within our borders? Have you established schools for Burmese revolutionaries? Have you communicated with Burmese revolutionaries and progressives, sharing our revolutionary process and the construction achievements after the revolutionary victory with them?"

Faced with these questions, Zhong Yifu immediately expressed his worries, "I thought of it, but I always feel that the current construction achievements lack sufficient persuasiveness. Wait a bit longer."

"Wait for what? Do you think others don't know we want to show them the most glamorous and decent things? An ugly wife shouldn't be afraid to meet her parents-in-law. Let them participate in our revolutionary work and let them see our work with their own eyes. Only in this way will those Burmese revolutionaries and progressives know what the revolution we are implementing is really like."

"...Ruofan, did you talk to the Chairman?" Zhong Yifu asked after a moment of silence.

"Yes. I look forward to the liberation of colonies all over the world very much, so I talked to the Chairman several times."

"I meant to ask, did you ask the Chairman for advice on Burmese affairs?"

"That, no. I asked for advice on the general methods of colonial liberation, not specifically for Burma... and certainly not against you!" Cheng Ruofan realized what Zhong Yifu was concerned about halfway through his sentence.

This answer made Zhong Yifu feel a bit embarrassed. Cheng Ruofan, this guy, had various shortcomings, but his nature was quite simple, definitely not a bad person. The instructors didn't give him a high rating, which had nothing to do with his character. The classmates all liked Cheng Ruofan quite a bit. At this moment, Zhong Yifu felt apologetic for suspecting that Cheng Ruofan was targeting the Southwest Bureau.

Cheng Ruofan didn't care about this at all; he continued with the issue of colonial liberation he was concerned about. To liberate colonies, one must not only confront those colonialist countries but also confront various problems caused by the backward productivity of the colonized areas themselves.

"The Chairman analyzed the situation in Burma and Northeast India. The upper classes in these regions have significant cooperative relationships with the British trade system. If British colonial rule is overthrown, a local economic development model for these regions must be established. In the short term, China does not have the ability to establish land-based bulk commodity trade transportation lines with these countries. If it is a maritime trade line, we are even less capable of breaking Britain's blockade of shipping routes. This makes it even more necessary to help these countries establish political and economic development personnel before we complete such trade lines. People are the most critical factor."

Hearing this, Zhong Yifu felt deeply. However, this feeling did not come from Burma; the work in Burma was handed over to the department specifically responsible for it below. As an important person in charge of the Southwest Bureau, Zhong Yifu sighed, "Local cadre training in the Southwest region is quite difficult. We have paid great attention to the conflict between natives and Hakkas [guest settlers] and have been very careful about these conflicts, but we still often get involved in them accidentally."

Cheng Ruofan agreed deeply. "To solve the economic problems in these regions, only by constantly creating employment opportunities can the problems be solved fundamentally. 'To be poor and lowly but not moved' is an extremely valuable quality, but for ordinary people, 'When granaries are full, people know etiquette; when food and clothing are sufficient, people know honor and disgrace' is the norm."

As the old classmates talked, the topic shifted from military affairs to economics. Just as they were engrossed in the conversation, the guard brought a telegram. Cheng Ruofan took a look and handed it to Zhong Yifu. Zhong Yifu unfolded it and saw that, as Cheng Ruofan expected, He Rui told Zhong Yifu in the telegram, 'Do not think that there is a fundamental difference between foreign revolution and Chinese revolution. Since work has started, regularize it immediately. Discuss the specific situation with Comrade Cheng Ruofan and instruct the Southwest Bureau to make a written report on this. Special attention must be paid to the fact that absolutely no consideration is allowed to change the Sino-Burmese border. China has a long historical border with neighboring countries, and any change may trigger completely meaningless suspicion and conflict.'

After reading the telegram, Zhong Yifu was silent for a long time before saying, "Are we really going to fight Britain?"

Cheng Ruofan didn't answer immediately. Looking at his unfinished movement, he probably wanted to reach for a cigarette. But Cheng Ruofan still stuck to his decision to quit smoking; he just stood up and walked two circles with his hands behind his back. When the urge to smoke dissipated, Cheng Ruofan asked, "Feeling uneasy about challenging the world's number one power?"

Zhong Yifu didn't think there was anything wrong with his worry. "I think Britain is really strong. If it weren't for launching the colonial liberation movement, I would oppose a military conflict with Britain."

Cheng Ruofan agreed very much with Zhong Yifu's view. China had absolutely no possibility of defeating Britain at present. Even if it had such strength in the future, defeating Britain would only create opportunities for other powers. An imperialist war for hegemony where dogs bite dogs is meaningless. Only a movement to overthrow colonialism and build a better new era is worth China investing its strength in.

"Do you have enough manpower over there to be responsible for the work in Burma?" Cheng Ruofan asked.

"We lack a lot. The Chengdu-Chongqing Railway has started construction, and the channel dredging work of blasting the Yanyu Pile has also begun. I don't know when the construction of this Chengdu-Kunming Railway can start and finish. Wherever the railway reaches, work there can be better carried out."

The Cheng-Yu Line is the railway between Chengdu and Chongqing. In July 1903 (29th year of Guangxu in the Qing Dynasty), Xi Liang, the then-Governor-General of Sichuan, together with Zhang Zidong, the Governor-General of Huguang, jointly petitioned the Qing government to build the Sichuan-Hankou Railway. The scheduled route of the Sichuan-Hankou Railway started from Chengdu, Sichuan, passed through Neijiang, Chongqing, Yichang, and ended in Hankou, Hubei.

Due to subsequent national turmoil, in the 21 years since the start of the plan, only a small part of the survey work had been completed for this line. At this time, only the section from Chengdu to Chongqing could be started while surveying was being completed.

The Cheng-Kun Line mentioned by Zhong Yifu was a railway plan proposed by the Civilization Party at the 1923 National Economic Layout Conference, that is, the national economic layout plan led by He Rui. The Cheng-Kun Line ran from Chengdu to Kunming, creating the first railway artery in the Great Southwest.

Since military conflict with Britain was to break out in Burma, Zhong Yifu paid great attention to this railway line and specifically telegraphed the central government, asking the central government to provide the time needed for surveying, routing, and construction of this railway. Later, Zhong Yifu received a reply: 'It takes ten years.'

Under the complex natural conditions of the Southwest, building such a railway indeed took such a long time. Zhong Yifu was not surprised. It was just that launching a military conflict against Britain before the railway was completed put tremendous pressure on the Republic National Defense Force.

Cheng Ruofan didn't have so many scruples. "This is just the first time, equivalent to paving the way first and preparing for the next time. When the railway is repaired, the road from Kunming to the border is built, and the next strike is launched, Britain will definitely not be able to withstand it. Besides, our strikes will not stop because of signing a joint communiqué with Britain. At that time, there will be our training camps all along the border line. Those revolutionary aspirants and progressives from South Asian colonies will return to their countries to fight for colonial liberation after receiving training in the training camps."

Hearing this, Zhong Yifu just nodded but said, "Chief of General Staff, how much progress has the General Staff made in the organization of mountain troops under the South Asian climate?"

Cheng Ruofan took out a document. "This is the organization and equipment produced at this stage. Those equipments are already in production, and part of them are considered to be produced in the Southwest. Does your Southwest Bureau have a department that can connect with this work?"

"It's best to send someone here immediately. We will select personnel to receive training here. The Southwest now has no talents who can understand modern economy and warfare."

After China's unification war, the British intelligence network in China was basically completely wiped out. British 'Ambassador' Lampson could only pay extra attention to the statistical data published in Chinese newspapers.

Entering September, all parts of China entered the autumn harvest. In October, the areas south of the Great Wall and north of the Huai River basically finished harvesting. In November, the national grain harvest was completed. After the statistical data was published in the newspapers, Lampson looked at the newspaper without saying a word.

In 1924, China's grain output was 304.2 billion *jin*. Calculated with a population of 480 million, the per capita grain was 663 *jin*. Of course, this per capita of 663 *jin* was the per capita of all grains, not the per capita of staple grains like wheat and rice. The national wheat output was 36 billion *jin*, 75 *jin* per capita. Rice output was 69.7 billion *jin*, 145 *jin* per capita.

The yield per *mu* of various grain products was: 161 kg for rice, 49 kg for wheat, 90 kg for corn, 79 kg for sorghum, 78 kg for millet, and 126 kg for sweet potato. The unit yield of rice was more than three times that of wheat.

China's per capita agricultural product output was much worse than Britain's, but Lampson was not happy at all. With such statistical data and after the division of land use rights in China, the Chinese people could obtain grain quite evenly. Although this grain was not enough to make the Chinese people full, it liberated them from the death threat of lack of food.

It became much more difficult for Britain to incite forces opposing He Rui at this stage.