November in Kaifeng, the provincial capital of Henan, was slightly warmer than in the capital. Even so, Beiyang General Xu Shuzheng was wearing a padded cotton coat. Sitting in the sunlight by the window, he reviewed three telegrams.

The first was a joint message from Fu Liangzuo and Ni Sichong. Both were influential figures in the Anhui Clique. Some of their subordinates, unwilling to accept reorganization by He Rui, had also arrived in Henan.

Xu Shuzheng had invited Fu and Ni to join him in raising a banner to revitalize the Anhui Clique. They had initially inclined toward agreeing with his proposal. However, in this joint telegram, they stated their decision to retire to Tianjin as wealthy idlers (*yugong*), asking Xu Shuzheng to take good care of the brothers who were willing to follow him. This left Xu Shuzheng greatly disappointed.

The second was a telegram from Cao Kun. The Zhili Clique warlords had publicly declared that He Rui's central government of the Fengtian Clique was illegal and that the Zhili faction would never accept it. Cao Kun also fiercely criticized He Rui for changing the title from 'President of the Republic of China' to 'Chairman of the Republic of China' and announced that he was organizing a parliament in the south to form a legitimate government. In the telegram, Cao Kun promised Xu Shuzheng high office and generous salary, stating he would never swallow up Xu's forces but would instead strengthen them.

A significant part of Xu Shuzheng's opposition to He Rui stemmed from a lack of resignation. If He Rui were to humble himself now and ask Xu Shuzheng to return, Xu would naturally go back to the capital happily. After all, Xu Shuzheng acknowledged He Rui's strength; as long as He Rui gave him space to display his talents, Xu did not object to serving him.

If he followed Cao Kun now, Xu Shuzheng would be boarding a ship to fight a civil war against He Rui. At the thought of He Rui's Northeast Army, Xu Shuzheng couldn't think of a reason why he should risk his life for Cao Kun.

The final telegram made Xu Shuzheng frown deeply. It was from the Military Governor of Shanghai. The Shanghai faction was very close to the British and Japanese, and the telegram clearly expressed British appreciation for Xu Shuzheng, believing he could play an important role in China.

Xu Shuzheng didn't even want to join Cao Kun; joining the British and Japanese was something he detested even more. If he fought under Cao Kun and lost, he could attribute it to inferior skill in a civil war. But if he followed the British and Japanese, Xu Shuzheng felt he would be a traitor to the Han people (*hanjian*).

Putting down the telegram, Xu Shuzheng felt a surge of resentment toward He Rui. *That guy is young and aggressive, but damn it, why is he such a hothead? We're all Beiyang brothers—can't you leave your older brother a little face?*

Just as he was fuming, a subordinate rushed in with another telegram. "Commander, a telegram from Chief Duan."

Overjoyed, Xu Shuzheng took it. But reading it in the warm sunlight, he felt as if he had fallen into an ice cave. Duan Qirui's telegram informed him of only one recent event: *'The Central Army captured Daming Prefecture in one day; Jin Yunpeng has been captured.'*

Once his emotions settled slightly, Xu Shuzheng cursed a string of obscenities. This wasn't directed at Duan Qirui, of course, but was a tirade against Jin Yunpeng's incompetence and He Rui's ruthlessness.

But cursing was useless. Xu Shuzheng finally understood Duan Qirui's sentiment toward him. He Rui had never intended to show mercy; Jin Yunpeng had already served as the chicken killed to scare the monkeys. If Xu Shuzheng didn't make a choice quickly, he would be next.

Thinking of this, Xu Shuzheng called for his adjutant and squeezed the words out through his teeth with difficulty: "Send a telegram to Chief Duan. My forces are willing to accept reorganization."

The adjutant looked relieved. He immediately ran out to arrange it, and upon returning, whispered, "Commander, brothers have already come today asking when the departure fee will be paid."

Xu Shuzheng didn't answer. Hands behind his back, he walked out of the cold room and into the sunshine. The sun felt warm, but his heart was ice cold. The Beiyang Army demanded departure fees to move. Leading this group south, Xu Shuzheng had relied on his prestige within Beiyang to drag out over twenty thousand men without paying them. In Kaifeng, he had scraped the city clean but still failed to raise enough money.

If he persisted, he wouldn't need He Rui to attack; these Beiyang men alone might eat him alive.

At this moment, someone else came in to report, "Commander, the Northeast Army has appeared at the Zhengzhou railway bridge."

Xu Shuzheng actually felt relieved. He told his subordinate, "No need to fear. I have already sent a telegram to Chief Duan. We are accepting reorganization."

Hearing they wouldn't have to fight the Northeast Army, the subordinate couldn't help but show surprise and joy on his face. Seeing Xu Shuzheng's murderous glare, however, he quickly lowered his head and retreated.

***

Receiving Xu Shuzheng's telegram, Duan Qirui finally put his heart back in his chest. Duan had already arrived in Tianjin and witnessed with his own eyes just how fast the Northeast Army took over a locality.

When Duan Qirui arrived in Tianjin, it was already November 12th. That very day, he saw a marvelous sight. Because the massive influx of Northeast Army troops lacked designated campsites for the time being, the units slept in orderly rows on the streets. Although the Northeast soldiers had thick quilts and cotton greatcoats, sleeping outdoors in the freezing cold without harassing the residents was truly rare.

Moreover, this army had constructed many temporary latrines and military-use drinking water points, and garbage was cleaned up regularly. The streets of Tianjin, rather than becoming dirty and chaotic due to the army's passage, actually became cleaner and more orderly.

Perhaps He Rui meant to show off his army's strict discipline, but for wave after wave of troops—hundreds of thousands of them—to achieve this level of organization and obedience caused Duan Qirui, who was used to armies refusing to move without departure fees, to completely extinguish any other thoughts.

There was another matter that astonished Duan Qirui even more. The current Acting Mayor of Tianjin was Tang Gui, a poor boy who had left Tianjin with He Rui eight years ago. He was only twenty-five or twenty-six this year. After taking control of Tianjin, he convened a meeting of Tianjin's industrial and commercial representatives.

According to the factory owners who attended, Tang Gui was surprisingly proficient in economics. He did not use coercion or bribery at the meeting but discussed product supply and sales with the factory owners like an expert.

Tianjin's industrial level had once been number one in the North, possessing a deep industrial foundation. Factory owners needed raw materials for production and sales channels for their products. Tang Gui stated that the new government held raw materials and would also purchase the products they needed. Cooperation with the factory owners was sought on this basis.

The Northeast Government's reputation in Tianjin had not been bad over the years. Of the factory owners who attended the invitation, half were prepared to be extorted. The other half, while feeling the new government probably wouldn't do it immediately, had still made preparations.

For the first ten minutes of the meeting, the factory owners were bewildered. By the twentieth minute, the mood of the attendees soared. Mayor Tang Gui then introduced the new Directors of the Tianjin Industry and Commerce Bureau and the Tax Bureau. The two directors presented the upcoming work arrangements and chatted happily with the factory owners.

Within the next five days, the new government in Tianjin completed its basic framework and began operations with astonishing speed.

Of course, there were those who were unlucky. Duan Qirui knew He Rui had many subordinates from Tianjin, but he hadn't expected that once these people arrived, they would begin a campaign to exterminate Tianjin's gangs and villains. The precision of their strikes and the speed of their action meant that for the next few days, Tianjin newspapers were filled with news of various great bandits and vicious criminals being caught.

The new government's vigorous and resolute style certainly surprised Duan Qirui, but the fact that those accomplishing this were all young men around thirty, running such a major city like Tianjin in a presentable manner without the chaos inevitable during a regime change, was what truly shocked him. The citizens, though afraid, were living their normal lives. It seemed as if what had occurred was not a dynastic change, but a simple appointment and removal of officials. That He Rui had so many capable subordinates was the true cause of Duan Qirui's astonishment.

Government, banks, customs, docks, factories, transportation, warehousing, electricity, waterworks—the Northeast Government took over everything, and nothing affected normal operations. If every city could be like this, it wouldn't take long for He Rui to completely master the North.

***

Duan Qirui was not the only one with this view. Japan had the largest number of intelligence personnel in China and observed even more thoroughly. By November 22nd, a detailed report had been transmitted to Japan via telegram. The government, Navy, and Army all began to analyze it.

Nagata Tetsuzan and Ishiwara Kanji were once again invited to the General Staff Headquarters. Nagata was not surprised after reading the report. He looked at Ishiwara and saw that he was quite exhausted, even yawning while looking at the report. Perhaps noticing the gazes of others, Ishiwara spoke up frankly: "Apologies, gentlemen. I have been rude. I haven't slept much these past two days writing teaching materials."

In Japan, speaking like this could easily get one kicked out by the meeting chair. Nagata felt Ishiwara simply didn't care about these reports, hence his candid expression of views. Perhaps Chief of the General Staff, Lieutenant General Suzuki Soroku, thought the same; he did not expel Ishiwara but asked, "Ishiwara-kaku (Your Excellency/Sir), according to this report, is the He Rui government's main strength placed in the cities?"

Ishiwara shook his head. "Large cities are important, but if the He Rui government's power can only control the cities, it will soon face problems of soaring prices due to supply shortages. In my view, the He Rui government's main strength should be in the countryside. As long as they can quickly restore the flow of goods between the countryside and the cities, the cities will stabilize. If they cannot, the cities will become a burden to the He Rui government."

Hearing this, the gathered officers, if not struck with awe, at least felt their spirits lift. Even officers who didn't understand economics felt their vision of China broaden under Ishiwara's explanation.

On the contrary, Lieutenant General Suzuki had not included this line of thinking in his initial analysis. After Ishiwara raised it, Suzuki didn't know what to say. But having no intention of letting Ishiwara steal the spotlight, he turned to ask Nagata, "What is Nagata-kaku's view?"

Nagata personally admired Ishiwara's angle of approach but couldn't continue discussing Ishiwara's view. He answered the question the military men cared about: "British interests in China are greater than Japan's. The He Rui government's actions will inevitably clash with the British government. Moreover, judging from the current stage, our concessions have suffered greatly. However, it won't be long before He Rui's army marches south to the Yangtze River. At that time, conflict with Britain is inevitable. Currently, the one hoping most for a conflict between Japan and the He Rui government would be Britain."

Although the officers looked unhappy, they nodded slightly. Strategically, if Britain broke out into full-scale war with the He Rui government, the beneficiary would be Japan. If a fight started, that would be best. Even if it didn't, the weakening of Britain in China would make Japan's strategic position more proactive.

It was just that the He Rui government had swept away the concessions in its path like autumn wind sweeping away fallen leaves. Japan's thirty years of management had been wiped out, which was truly stifling.

A Lieutenant Colonel broke the stifling silence. "Ishiwara-kaku, according to what you just said, the He Rui government's strength will increase rapidly. But won't the Northeast Government's land policy encounter fierce resistance in the countryside?"

Hearing this topic, the officers perked up. Ishiwara felt this was a stupid question and answered, "Nagata-kaku is clearer on this matter."

Nagata cursed inwardly at Ishiwara for being too cunning, kicking the ball back. "Please, let Ishiwara-kun express his brilliant views."

Ishiwara was indifferent. He asked the Lieutenant Colonel, "Did you have this doubt after reading recent newspapers?"

The Lieutenant Colonel answered frankly, "Yes."

Because Japan had effectively lost the war, to help the government save face, some propaganda appeared in local newspapers favoring the Imperial Way Faction (*Kōdōha*). For example, accusing He Rui of being an evil communist. Why evil? Because the Northeast Government confiscated the land of landlords and gentry and distributed it to peasants, using land acquisition as leverage to force Northeast peasants to join the army and fight.

Once such reports came out, they were immediately discovered by the Army Ministry's Education Bureau, which sent people to advise those editors close to the Imperial Way Faction not to publicize these issues. The editors were quickly persuaded, and this analysis soon disappeared from the newspapers.

But the reaction this sparked did not stop. Japanese people who saw this reacted with 'disbelief'—soldiers getting land just for joining the army was simply a myth in Japan. However, rather than sensing the evil of the Northeast Government, the Japanese public who heard this envied the benefits of Chinese soldiers.

In the current Japanese countryside and the village associations of the Imperial Way Faction, radical Japanese youth believed that if Japanese soldiers could be given land, it would inevitably greatly stimulate the fighting will of the Japanese army. So, whether He Rui was an evil communist was no longer a concern for the Japanese public; for various reasons, whether soldiers should have land rewards became a hot topic in Japan.

There were those who truly supported it, but more who truly opposed it. However, how many opposed it with their mouths while thinking otherwise in their hearts was something even the Army Education Bureau was unwilling to mention.

This shock had now reached the General Staff Headquarters, and Ishiwara Kanji was genuinely surprised. But this question was undoubtedly a stupid one. Ishiwara asked, "Can the Empire provide weapons and equipment support to those armed resistors?"

The Lieutenant Colonel immediately sobered up and answered quickly, "Excellency, I did not think it through."

Ishiwara continued, seemingly reprimanding him, "If the Northeast's land policy incurs the hatred of one landlord, it gains the support of dozens of tenant farmers. If He Rui encounters fierce resistance, it means his land policy has already received massive support. I hope you will not ask such a stupid question again."

Most of the officers came from decent backgrounds. Hearing the terrifying future Ishiwara described, they fell silent. Manchuria and Mongolia plus North China had a population exceeding two hundred million. Bringing both under He Rui's governance meant his strength would at least double. If He Rui mobilized an army of two million, he would never again face a shortage of soldiers.

The high-ranking officials of the General Staff had conducted data simulations. Just after listing the most basic data, the simulation died a natural death. When deceiving outsiders, everyone could indeed lie with their eyes open. But was there any need to deceive themselves?

Finally, the meeting content returned to the report. Nagata looked at Ishiwara, who looked like he wanted to yawn again, and felt a sense of camaraderie. This document merely used an actual report to demonstrate the results of the worst-case predictions; it had no value in itself.

Ishiwara could be indifferent, but Nagata, who had become a member of Japan's top power circle, could not. Japan's past Continental Policy had effectively gone bankrupt, and no one mentioned it anymore. But regarding what Japan's future national policy should be, too many people were eager to try and dominate the new situation.

On the contrary, He Rui's extremely radical annihilation of foreign military forces in China gave various factions in Japan's upper echelons expectations. Many wanted to see the results, so the situation temporarily did not intensify. But when the situation truly became clear, the struggle would inevitably intensify again. Nagata had not yet determined his own direction; he actually hoped the chaos He Rui caused would be as great as possible.