War against Japan is primarily military; the domestic Unification War is primarily political, with the military as auxiliary. The Northeast has mobilized not only a million-strong army but also a "million-strong Southbound Cadre Detachment." This time, the elites are out in full force, with no reservations.

Organization Department Head Xu Jia was running the entire department, working frantically. As the great rear area, the Northeast would have to provide massive amounts of supplies and vast human resources to the front lines over the next year or more. This was equivalent to weakening the Northeast on one hand, while demanding higher efficiency from it on the other. This contradictory situation plunged Xu Jia and the Organization Department into a huge dilemma.

The first phase of the Unification War would center on the capital, Beijing, first establishing a northern base area centered on the Northeast, Zhili, Shandong, Shanxi, Shaanxi, and Henan. The entire central administration would move south, shifting the office location from Shenyang to Beijing-Tianjin.

Xu Jia not only had to provide material and personnel support but also bear the burden of staying behind to guard the Northeast.

At this moment, Xu Jia didn't know if he hoped the Unification War would start sooner, so that a large part of his work could be taken over by the central government in the Beijing-Tianjin area, or if he hoped it would start later, so he could identify reliable personnel for the new Northeast government.

Those punch-card machines ran ceaselessly. Thin steel rods passed through special holes on personnel data cards, selecting personnel who met certain conditions, then filtering them multiple times to select those who met multiple criteria.

These were not decisions made on a whim, but completed through data accumulated over eight years. The qualifications of every selected person met various requirements. As for who exactly this member was, or whether they were liked by their superiors—no one knew for sure before they were selected.

Under such mechanical, precise, and emotionless selection, lists of personnel were produced batch by batch.

Meanwhile, the Northeast Government was also waiting for the time to start operations. This time was not decided by the Northeast Government, but by the Japanese side. Since they were going to tear off the mask with Britain, formally signing a ceasefire agreement with Japan first was a necessity.

At this time in Japan, although high-ranking personnel with vision could generally guess this, no one in that group cared about it. Ishiwara Kanji received a transfer order on September 30th. The Japanese Army established a new department, the "Japan Military New Technology Training Bureau." Lieutenant General Ishiwara Kanji became the first director of this Training Bureau.

In terms of official position and responsibilities, Lt. Gen. Ishiwara Kanji bore the heavy burden of conducting new military technology training for all Japanese Army officers. All field officers and company officers in the Army would participate in rotation in the military training conducted by the bureau. If judged unqualified by the "Japan Military New Technology Training Bureau" led by Lt. Gen. Ishiwara, a soldier's future would be hugely affected.

From a power perspective, however, Lt. Gen. Ishiwara was completely sidelined. Because the selection and education of officers was still the responsibility of the Inspectorate General of Military Training. Officers came from various units and returned to them after training; they were not under Lt. Gen. Ishiwara's command or management.

To use an analogy, Ishiwara's position was like a labor union chairman in a factory in New China. The factory acknowledged his presence, and the union chairman would certainly speak at the year-end assembly. But, the union chairman was just a union chairman.

Those officers close to Ishiwara were dissatisfied with this appointment. Everyone knew that for the Japanese Army to persist until now, Ishiwara Kanji had not only played the full game but had also saved the Japanese Army at critical moments several times. So at the farewell party for Ishiwara, some officers even feigned drunkenness to ask, "Shouldn't this position be concurrently held by the Vice Inspector General of Military Training?"

Okamura looked at this fellow and made a mental note of him. The implication was that with Ishiwara's contributions, he could have been the Vice Inspector General of Military Training.

Ishiwara Kanji didn't care much. After the reception, he began packing his luggage, preparing to return to Tokyo. He hadn't brought much luggage to begin with. Aside from stacks of notes carefully placed into two large leather suitcases, his other personal effects filled just one suitcase.

The door curtain was lifted, and Nagata Tetsuzan walked in. Seeing Ishiwara had already packed, he smiled. "Ishiwara-kun, you're ready for action so quickly. Truly a well-trained Imperial soldier."

Ishiwara pointed to a broken chair. "Nagata-kun, please sit. When you go back, you'll probably be the Inspector General of Military Training, right?"

The broken chair creaked as Nagata sat down. He offered Ishiwara a cigarette before saying, "I am far from being looked upon that favorably by the seniors. I haven't even thought about what position it will be. Ishiwara-kun, how do you view the future struggle between the Army and Navy?"

Ishiwara Kanji felt that the one who arranged this new position for him was likely Nagata. Only a smart man like Nagata, with his influence in the military, could so exquisitely utilize Ishiwara Kanji's strength while excluding him from the decision-making circle.

Hearing Nagata Tetsuzan wanting to squeeze his utility value one more time, Ishiwara Kanji didn't get angry. He advised, "Nagata-kun, the Northeast Government's performance has already proven the power that can be unleashed after the people rise up. I believe Nagata-kun must have been moved by it."

Nagata Tetsuzan admitted it readily. "That's right. He-kun's success in Manchuria and Mongolia is indeed admirable. As long as there is an opportunity to learn from it, I will certainly consider it fully. But Ishiwara-kun, domestic affairs are very complicated. Many in the army actually wanted Ishiwara-kun to be the Commander of the Hokkaido Guard District. I tried every means to secure this current position for you."

Ishiwara Kanji thanked him sincerely. "I rely entirely on Nagata-kun's help. However, listening to you, I have already been treated as pro-Chinese."

Nagata Tetsuzan wanted to ask, *Aren't you?* But he wasn't that boring. Moreover, Nagata appreciated Ishiwara's loyalty to the Empire, so he returned to the previous topic. "Ishiwara-kun, the Army-Navy struggle this time will be more intense than before. If we are not careful, I fear forty percent of officers will lose their positions."

Ishiwara scratched a swelling on his cheek from a bug bite. "Nagata-kun, the Army-Navy struggle has various causes. But the key is Japan's self-positioning. The Army believes Japan is a continental country; the Navy believes Japan is an island country. Japan's current area is about 600,000 square kilometers. Larger than Germany's pre-war homeland area. In Europe, it would be second only to Russia. The population is also only less than Russia. Japan has had decades of construction, and its industrial system is relatively complete. It can build battleships itself. How can such a country become a vassal of Europe and America? Although the Navy's influence has increased greatly this time, it is not because the Navy's own influence has risen, but because the Army's influence has declined. As one wanes, the other waxes. It looks like the Navy can dominate the situation, but actually not. Japan's future naturally lies in Japan's hands. The Navy viewing Japan as an island nation is far-fetched to begin with, insisting on imitating Britain's self-positioning. Once truly discussed, their true colors will be revealed, so there is no need to worry."

Nagata nodded. "But where should Japan go? This has always been a dilemma Japan cannot break through. I cannot pin my hopes on He-kun."

Ishiwara Kanji advised straightforwardly, "He-kun is just a mortal. What virtue or ability does he have for Japan to pin its expectations on him? The Japanese people are the object we should truly place our hopes on."

Nagata was already impatient with Ishiwara's viewpoint. "Ishiwara-kun, isn't the disunity within the Army right now just a struggle between the Rural Faction and the Urban Faction? The Navy relies entirely on industry; it not only supports the Urban Faction but also wants to combine Japan's urban development completely with trade channels to Europe and America. The Navy is merely the force guarding the trade between Japanese cities and the world. You keep talking about 'the people'. Do you support the people of the cities or the people of the countryside?"

This was the first time Ishiwara had heard Nagata attack him with such high-level rhetoric. Instead of being angry, he asked happily, "Then how does Nagata-kun see it?"

"Although the countryside is poor, it has rural institutions to maintain it, allowing people to survive in poverty. In the city, once unemployed, one's livelihood is immediately cut off. If one has relatives in the countryside for support, they might barely avoid starving to death. If there is no support from relatives, they can only take desperate risks or sell their bodies. Therefore, the goal of the Integration Faction is to integrate the entire country, allowing the countryside, cities, citizens, and capitalists to operate under one system. The people support and assist each other to face challenges together."

Seeing Nagata speak sincerely from the heart, Ishiwara was also moved. He continued to ask, "And then?"

Nagata was less than forty years old this year and came from an ordinary family. Although he had some ideas, he was quite far from obtaining real core power. Moreover, Japan had actually lost this war. Talking about using a united Great Japanese Empire to gain benefits from the Chinese continent had practically been proven impossible.

Hearing Ishiwara press him, Nagata said directly, "Ishiwara-kun, do you think He-kun will conflict with Britain?"

Ishiwara answered, "I believe that since China's interests conflict with the current order, He-kun will definitely conflict with Britain."

Nagata had always agreed with Ishiwara's vision. Hearing Ishiwara be so certain, he replied, "That is best. Let us see how far He-kun's talent can support China. If He-kun can truly stand up to Europe and America as an equal, that will also give Japan a new choice."

Ishiwara felt this attitude was very commendable. Seeing Nagata stand up to take his leave, he said, "Nagata-kun, in this Army-Navy struggle, if I have the opportunity to speak, I will definitely expose the Navy's erroneous line."

Nagata bowed slightly and walked out of Ishiwara Kanji's tent. Ishiwara lay back down on the camp bed, inevitably sighing in his heart that Nagata's path was still too narrow. Even Nagata himself had discovered that the end of that path might not be the result Nagata expected.

But this was inevitable. As long as they still treated the Japanese people as tools, rather than acknowledging that the Japanese people were the carriers of Japanese civilization, then no matter how these smart men like Nagata tossed and turned, the result would be the same.

However, after such a deep talk, Ishiwara Kanji discovered that Nagata Tetsuzan's understanding of Japan was actually quite profound. And although Nagata did not know Ishiwara's goal, he had placed Ishiwara in a position where he could contact all the young military officers of the Japanese Army. Ishiwara had given up the idea of influencing decision-making power; what he wanted to influence was only the excellent young men of Japan.

Ishiwara Kanji silently recited the name of the new position in his heart: "Director of the Japan Military New Technology Training Bureau." There really was no other position that could give Ishiwara such a vast space.