The Shenyang Intermediate Court's statement from the Northeast Government was immediately transmitted to Europe and America, causing global onlookers following the matter to sit up and take notice.

"...The gold deposited in the Northeast Bank originally belonged to the Tsarist Russian government. According to the laws of Tsarist Russia, its ownership should belong to... Therefore, anyone who believes they possess inheritance rights must, within 180 days starting from December 6, 1922 (China Time), present identification provided by a current legal government to the Northeast Government Shenyang Intermediate Court and submit their proof of identity."

That very day, in London, Paris, and Washington, quite a few individuals began discussing whether they could obtain proof of their inheritance rights to the Tsarist Russian gold from countries in South America and elsewhere.

Where there is law, there are naturally loopholes. For instance, since the Northeast Government required proof signed by a "legal government," the Haitian government, composed mostly of black citizens, was also a legal government. If the Haitian government issued a certificate recognizing someone as the heir to the Russian Tsar's gold, it would be a legal document.

Regardless of what those opportunists or fraudsters thought, Britain and France—as the architects of the Versailles System—naturally understood what game the Northeast Government was playing. One of the most effective tools of government organization is "delay."

If someone brought proof documents issued by a legal government to the Northeast, the Northeast Government would naturally have to screen them one by one. This could take anywhere from a few years to over a decade, or even several decades.

Therefore, Britain and France separately announced that the only legal governments were those supported by Britain and France, and that no others were legal heirs.

Even before Britain and France made their announcements, the Soviet Union had publicly declared that the Soviet Union was the sole legal government inheriting from Tsarist Russia and possessed the only valid claim to the gold.

Governments around the world understood clearly that while this matter was amusing, it was not suitable for their intervention. After all, reckless intervention wouldn't get them the gold, but would instead garner hostility for their unserious actions.

In the following days, various governments expressed their positions, stating they did not believe any relatives of the Tsar resided in their countries, nor did they host a Russian government-in-exile. The matter, which could have been dragged out for a long time, returned to the Northeast Government's court.

Zhao Tianlin and Lu Zhengxiang, reviewing the recent progress, felt quite fortunate. It wasn't that they feared troublemakers, but that the actions of these governments undoubtedly recognized the Northeast Government's judicial jurisdiction. This was an excellent standpoint.

Lu Zhengxiang, who had suffered so many defeats in diplomacy, sighed. "The only thing to worry about now is the possibility of Britain and France raising the issue of 'Consular Jurisdiction.'"

Hearing "Consular Jurisdiction," Zhao Tianlin's lips pressed together tightly, his gaze turning sharp.

Also known as "Extraterritoriality," it refers to the right of a foreign consul to try and sentence a citizen of their country according to their own national laws when that citizen becomes a defendant in a civil or criminal suit in the host country. In modern Chinese history, Western powers obtained this privilege through unequal treaties forced upon the Chinese government. Before the Opium War, criminals from Western capitalist countries who broke the law in China had repeatedly resisted trial by the Chinese government. In 1842, the Sino-British *General Regulations of Trade* (also known as the *Convention of Chuenpi*) stipulated: "British merchants... involved in disputes or lawsuits with inland residents shall be subject to British jurisdiction." This was the beginning of the seizure of consular jurisdiction.

Therefore, under the Northeast's drug laws, anyone found carrying drugs upon capture could be immediately convicted. Conviction basically meant the death penalty, and execution would be carried out immediately after the trial concluded.

Only foreigners carrying small amounts, whose crimes did not warrant death, would see foreign consuls rushing over to demand their release based on consular jurisdiction.

And every time this happened, the Northeast side would use the newspapers to imply that these countries were nations of drug traffickers. At the time, Zhao Tianlin had been somewhat worried, but once the war started and the Northeast Army achieved early victories, he no longer feared.

When Lu Zhengxiang raised the suggestion, Zhao Tianlin shook his head. "This is a civil case; there are no criminals. Consular Jurisdiction does not apply."

Soon, some domestic newspapers began discussing "Consular Jurisdiction." The *Northeast Daily* immediately published an article fiercely attacking them, titled *"Are They Stupid? Or Are They Evil?"*

In the *Northeast Daily* article, it argued that fearing anything related to foreigners because one doesn't know what fields "Consular Jurisdiction" actually covers is "stupidity." Knowing the scope of "Consular Jurisdiction" but deliberately confusing the public is "evil."

At the end of the newspaper article, a poem by He Rui was published:

The British probably couldn't understand Chinese poetry, but the Chinese could. Many old literati wrote articles mocking He Rui, saying he was never known for his poetry and prose, and that what he wrote now was merely doggerel.

Facing these few attacks, the Northeast Government and the *Northeast Daily* ignored them completely. What needed to be said had been said; those people were just seeking fame through provocation.

The most important thing for the Northeast right now was war preparation; what was said didn't really matter. This matter was only handled carefully because it involved a wide range of issues.

In Tokyo, Japanese Foreign Minister Uchida Kosai finished reading the report and sighed slightly. He had heard of He Rui's diplomatic abilities, and now he felt that He Rui was indeed quite capable. Although this matter wasn't inherently important—it was meant to cause trouble for He Rui, and incidentally create a better diplomatic environment for Japan to issue bonds.

In He Rui's *Introduction to Geopolitics*, he analyzed so-called "national character" based on geopolitics. Uchida Kosai had read it with great admiration. He Rui believed that Japan's narrow territory and large population created a highly involuted, man-marking-man society. Japanese people were extremely meticulous in their work because each person only had that one thing to do. If they didn't do it well, there was nowhere to hide. Therefore, they naturally placed great importance on details.

By comparison, great powers were relatively rough and carefree. It wasn't that great powers were naturally this way, but if a great power tried to operate like Japan, its state system would collapse in minutes.

So, seeing the Northeast Government react with agility, courtesy, and restraint, Uchida Kosai, while impressed, felt a sense of unease rise in his heart.

Governing a great power was naturally much more difficult than governing a small country. In a small country, one could be a brilliant and stunning figure; but in the politics of a great power, one often only received evaluations of being disciplined and reliable.

But once a brilliant and stunning figure appeared in a great power, it would inevitably be a disaster for the surrounding small countries.

Would He Rui become a disaster for the countries surrounding China?