10:00 AM, October 16th.

The gates of the British Legation in Beijing's Dongjiaomin Lane opened several times in succession. A car drove in each time, with the last one entering at approximately 10:13 AM. Intelligence personnel in the northeast of Dongjiaomin Lane recorded the flags flying on the vehicles. So far, embassy vehicles from France, the United States, and Japan had entered the British Legation. The intelligence agents continued their observation, waiting to see who else might arrive.

On the lawn of the Legation, young women from diplomatic families played with their children. The older wives of the ministers sat in the living room of the main building, chatting about the latest goods arriving in the shops of Shanghai and Tianjin.

After the ministers met, they discussed the changing weather and inquired about each other's health, creating a harmonious atmosphere. After chatting for a while, the British Minister, Sir Beilby Francis Alston, brought out a few bottles of fruit brandy from the Northeast. The fresh aroma lit up the eyes of the ministers' wives. Taking this opportunity, Alston said to the other three ministers, "Gentlemen, I recently acquired a batch of Cuban cigars. Would you like to try them?"

The French and American ministers exchanged knowing smiles. The Japanese Minister, Obata Yūkichi, although maintaining the polite and serious expression typical of the Japanese, also stood up. The four men went up to the lounge on the second floor. British black tea was served, and two open wooden boxes were placed in the center of the table, displaying different types of cigars side by side.

The American Minister, Jacob Gould Schurman, a man in his fifties, took a thick cigar from the box and squeezed it by his ear. He could tell its age from the subtle crackling sound of the tobacco leaves. He picked up a cigar cutter, clipped the end, lit it, and took a puff. The room was immediately filled with the fragrant aroma of high-quality tobacco.

Taking another puff, Minister Schurman evaluated, "The quality of Luzon cigars is no longer inferior to Cuban cigars."

It was evident that Minister Schurman was speaking matter-of-factly. However, since the Philippines was an American colony and the 1902 Cuban government was supported by the United States, these words, while ordinary to Schurman, sounded a bit like bragging to the ears of the British and French ministers.

The French Minister, Aimé Joseph de Fleuriau, picked up a thin cigar, lit it, and laughed, "Next time you gentlemen visit our legation, I will treat you to coffee."

From cigars to coffee, silk to spices, the ministers chatted about the pros and cons of various daily specialties. Even the Japanese Minister, Obata Yūkichi, talked about his country's lacquerware and cultured pearls.

Speaking of pearls, French Minister Fleuriau remarked, "In the last year, the output of East Pearls from the Northeast has suddenly increased, and the quality is very good."

British Minister Alston nodded. "In times of war, it is necessary for us to implement a trade embargo against the Northeast Government. Let the Northeast Government understand the determination of the nations for peace."

Although his tone was flat, it concerned Japan. However, Japanese Minister Obata Yūkichi leaned back on the sofa, watching the reactions of the French and American ministers with a composed expression, as if they were discussing trivial matters.

The French Minister did not answer but looked at the American Minister, wanting to see the American attitude. American Minister Schurman asked the French Minister, "Monsieur Fleuriau, what is France's attitude?"

The war between the Northeast and Japan was far from France's sphere of influence. France was merely observing and had no position. Moreover, at this time, Britain had not asked France to make a statement. The secret instruction from the French Foreign Ministry to the Minister in China was: "If Britain expresses willingness to show sincerity, then contact the French Foreign Ministry."

If Britain did not pay a price, what reason did France have to participate in the war between China and Japan? Since it was a war, there would be consumption. France could very likely get arms orders.

Facing Minister Schurman's question, French Minister Fleuriau's first thought was whether the Yankee wanted to take the opportunity to sell arms. But this could not be asked directly. The French Minister asked back, "What is the United States' attitude?"

The American Minister answered readily, "The United States opposes war and also opposes trade embargoes. Unlike Britain and France, there has never been arms trade between the United States and the Northeast Government, only trade in civilian goods. What would we embargo?"

Britain and France had purchased large quantities of weapons and ammunition from the Northeast to support the White Russians. Hearing this, they couldn't say anything. Moreover, trade embargoes were something that could only be done against countries without powerful navies. If the Americans really wanted to sell weapons to the Northeast, would Britain and France use their fleets to block American merchant ships?

Since the American Minister expressed the US government's position so frankly, the topic was easily passed over. Everyone started chatting about various recent news items again. Japanese Minister Obata Yūkichi looked composed, as if he were just attending an ordinary meeting, where the diplomatic crowd was just chatting idly while waiting for lunch to be served.

Approaching 11:00 AM, the British Minister's secretary brought something in. After reading it, Minister Alston expressionlessly handed the paper to French Minister Fleuriau. After Fleuriau finished reading it, he intended to hand the paper back to the British Minister, but American Minister Schurman, leaning back on the sofa, asked with interest, "Is it something interesting?"

The British Minister took the paper and handed it to the Japanese Minister first, saying simultaneously, "This is a public statement issued by Soviet Chairman Lenin."

Facing this differential treatment, American Minister Schurman did not mind. Since Lenin had issued a public statement, he surely expected it to spread as widely as possible. Knowing the content was only a matter of time; there was no rush for these few minutes or seconds.

Japanese Minister Obata Yūkichi looked at the English version of the public statement, his expression becoming increasingly grave. The text of the announcement was overflowing with enthusiasm: "The Soviet Government has noted that a wave seeking national liberation has appeared within Korea. The Soviet Government holds an attitude of sympathy and support for all just struggles internationally against barbaric rule..."

After finishing reading, Japanese Minister Obata Yūkichi handed the transcript back to British Minister Alston, remaining silent.

***

He Rui received the news at about the same time. If the secretary hadn't placed the document in a spot where He Rui could grab it immediately, he might not have noticed it at all. After thinking for a moment, He Rui put aside the battle report sent by the 2nd Army Group and picked up Comrade Lenin's public statement.

After reading it, He Rui laughed out of anger. The secretary, knowing the content, looked at He Rui with some confusion. He Rui picked up a pen and wrote a directive to the Foreign Affairs Bureau at the bottom: "Non-critical event."

After the secretary left with the document, He Rui leaned back in his chair, feeling great admiration for a senior like Comrade Lenin who had rich struggle experience. They wouldn't let go of any opportunity and could utilize this matter precisely. He Rui himself had learned from these old seniors to create the 'Russian Humanitarian Disaster' to boost his own reputation.

Comrade Lenin was an expert in this field. If Soviet Russia expressed concern about the war between the Northeast and Japan, Japan would have an excuse to intimidate Soviet Russia. Although the Japanese Army was busy right now, the Navy had ample capacity to send a few warships to show off their strength.

In that case, Soviet Russia would be slapped in the face for sticking its neck out. Therefore, the Soviet side talked about the resistance of the Korean people. Soviet Russia bordered Korea; although they wouldn't send troops, they had the ability to provide weapons, equipment, and military training to anti-Japanese forces inside Korea. If Japan gave the Soviet Union attitude, Soviet Russia would really do something. This was called reciprocity.

Japan was currently being beaten like this and had originally only set the Northeast as a military opponent. Soviet Russia raising the 'Korean Question' at this time added a new variable to the fierce but relatively clear situation. This was an excellent choice, an action that would inevitably make Japan feel the pressure.

This was also a political maneuver stepping on He Rui to make a scene. Just like when He Rui stepped on the Bolsheviks and White Russians to create the Russian Humanitarian Crisis.

Of course, He Rui was also certain that even if he hadn't created the humanitarian crisis, Comrade Lenin would still have done this. Without such vision and execution, one could not be considered an excellent great power statesman.

For a great power statesman, Comrade Lenin would only do this much at this stage. He Rui used this small case to adjust his mood, and when he picked up the recent battle reports from the 2nd Army Group again, he felt much better.

"Battle Report, October 15, 1922, Secret Document No. 00945. On October 15, after the battle to attack Pyongyang began, the defenders changed their previous Japanese tactics. Whether it was weapon placement or the depth of weapon deployment, it was very different from the previous Japanese troops. The Japanese changes were not only in position layout and weapon placement; they adopted a very tight and coherent defensive position to counter our squad-based operations.

"On the defensive positions, troop density was reduced. Once our troops broke through, the Japanese immediately used artillery fire to block our follow-up troops from advancing, and rapidly maneuvered troops from the rear defense lines to launch counterattacks. Because of insufficient numbers and unfamiliarity with the terrain, our attacks all met with failure..."

"Battle Report, October 16, 1922, before 12:00 PM, Secret Document No. 00951. On October 16, the Japanese army abandoned the peripheral defense lines of Pyongyang and retreated to the defensive lines at the edge of the city. During our attack, it was discovered that the Japanese had demolished a portion of the civilian houses, creating an empty zone. Furthermore, using the materials from the demolished houses, they constructed a flat and complete defense line. Although it is unknown if the Japanese have learned a lesson from the annihilation of the Kwantung Army and are absolutely refusing to engage in street fighting with our army, instead adopting a neat and tight defense line for frontal confrontation, the tactics adopted by the Japanese commander have maximized the containment of our infiltration tactic advantages. This forces our army to implement a war of attrition with the Japanese army, maximizing the basic military literacy of the Japanese officers and soldiers.

"Facing such targeted changes, the Army Group is analyzing the tactical characteristics of the Japanese commander to determine his military understanding and combat style."

This was the battle report from the Army Group Headquarters, and there were also reports from corps-level and division-level units under the 2nd Army Group. It was obvious from those reports that the comrades had been affected by their emotions. some battalion and regimental commanders, after encountering setbacks, let the blood rush to their heads and persisted with the tactics the troops were trained in, wanting to fight the Japanese to the death. Fortunately, the division headquarters quickly issued orders, temporarily stripping the commanders of their command and pulling the troops back.

Having confirmed the basic situation, He Rui sighed, stood up, walked to the window, and lit a cigarette. Ishiwara Kanji and Nagata Tetsuzan were the top talents in the Japanese military. Their capabilities were definitely not the personal bravery of a "Pig-headed Squad Leader" who wasn't afraid of death and dared to fight to the end. Instead, they had the ability to calmly view reality and make adjustments at the fastest speed to complete combat objectives. Such people could be at a disadvantage a hundred times on the local battlefield but could still achieve the campaign objectives in the overall operation. The perseverance, endurance, keenness, and decisiveness of such people were second to none among the many generals who commanded thousands of troops.

It was hard to say whether it was fortunate or unfortunate for the Northeast Army soldiers, who had at most seven years of military experience, to encounter these people. He Rui himself was relatively optimistic; the officers in the Northeast Army who possessed learning abilities could learn knowledge from the war itself.

He Rui did not consider whether Ishiwara Kanji could learn anything because the fact that Ishiwara Kanji had become a frontline commander for the Japanese army was already beyond He Rui's imagination. He Rui had always felt that a guy like Ishiwara Kanji would likely only be pulled out of the military academy and thrown into active service during the counter-attack phase after the Japanese army had suffered heavy losses and regrouped. At this stage, it should have been those old Japanese generals commanding the Japanese army in battle.

In Pyongyang, Ishiwara Kanji did not know what He Rui was considering. At this moment, he had already profoundly felt a strong crisis. Korea was currently in chaos; the hastily assembled troops numbered less than 30,000, and their equipment was uneven. Although Ishiwara Kanji believed that the Northeast Army would definitely not aim to capture Seoul, this was based on the premise that the Japanese army could hold Seoul.

If the Japanese army in Korea collapsed entirely, the Northeast Army wouldn't mind fighting straight to Busan.

The conclusion of Ishiwara Kanji's discussion with Nagata Tetsuzan was that this would be a campaign starting from October 9th and lasting for half a month. The Japanese army must hold Seoul north of the Han River until October 25th. If that wasn't possible, they had to at least hold the Han River.

With the current strength of the Japanese army, they could only choose one between Seoul and the Han River. For political considerations, they had to hold Seoul. Facing over a hundred thousand elite Northeast Army troops, Ishiwara Kanji could only dance in shackles.

Although some units of the Northeast Army had shown reckless behavior due to emotional loss of control yesterday, those actions were quickly contained. Today, facing Ishiwara Kanji's rigorous battle line, the Northeast Army abandoned small-unit infiltration attacks and adopted a very orthodox firepower destruction mode, engaging in a contest of hard power with the Pyongyang Japanese defenders.

At this point, Ishiwara Kanji's disadvantage of insufficient troops was fully revealed. The Pyongyang defenders faced the incredibly strong Northeast Army, and the opponent changed tactics to adopt a straight-punch frontal attack. Although they blocked every punch from the opponent, each punch made the Japanese army's bones creak.

Ishiwara Kanji could no longer make more fine-tuned adjustments to the Japanese frontline troops; that was completely beyond his ability. He could only watch the various numbers, hoping that time would pass a little faster.

The sound of gunfire and artillery from the front line constantly drifted into the headquarters. The clock hand finally moved slowly to 15:43. Ishiwara Kanji immediately ordered, "Order all units to prepare to retreat to the third defense line."

The first defense line was the field fortifications outside the city. The second defense line was the residential area outside the city walls. The third defense line was the city wall defense line. The fourth defense line was the Taedong River defense line running through the city. The fifth defense line was the city wall on the other side.

Ishiwara Kanji hoped he could hold Pyongyang for five days. Even if not five days, as long as he could hold for three days, dragging it out to October 20th. In the remaining five days, it was possible for the Japanese army to hold Seoul.

...As long as the Northeast Army did not truly aim to capture Seoul.