The Chief of the Army War College was indeed glorious, but the Second Seat was by no means considered inferior in capability. The two Second Seats from different graduating classes stood in the snow for a moment, beginning to feel the cold seep into their feet. Neither Nagata Tetsuzan nor Ishiwara Kanji wished to end their conversation immediately, so they began to walk again at a leisurely pace.

Nagata Tetsuzan spoke slowly and steadily. These were views he had considered deeply, and he delivered them with great composure. "I do not know much about He-kun personally, but I have reviewed the economic data on Manchuria and Mongolia many times. He-kun's economy is primarily driven by agriculture, mining, steel manufacturing, and industrial production. The Empire absolutely cannot sit by and watch He-kun unify China. If it were up to me, I would certainly launch a preemptive strike against him."

Ishiwara Kanji felt Nagata's idea was truly too exaggerated. He turned to look at Nagata, and seeing not a trace of jest on his face, he replied, "If the Empire attacks He-kun first, He-kun will seize the complete advantage in propaganda. As long as he can defeat the Imperial Japanese Army, he can force the Imperial Army to compromise. If He-kun attacks the Imperial Army first, he will inevitably face a full-scale counterattack. If He-kun wins, needless to say, all of Northeast Asia will be his to roam. But He-kun is not a god. I do not believe he can build sufficient strength to defeat the Imperial Army within fifteen years."

Even in the face of objection, Nagata showed no sign of displeasure. He nodded slowly. "What Ishiwara-kun says is the orthodox path. I also agree with it very much. The reason I have a judgment that deviates from common logic is merely a deduction based on my vision for national construction."

Ishiwara Kanji had not expected Nagata to admit his 'abnormality' so readily and was somewhat surprised. Although both he and Nagata were Second Seats, their treatment was worlds apart. While there were those in the military who favored Ishiwara, they were far fewer than those who favored Nagata.

Ishiwara could not help but ask, "Nagata-kun, do you already have a complete concept for the Empire's future?"

As an elite officer favored by many, Nagata Tetsuzan was whole-heartedly committed to building a powerful Japan. Precisely because of this, he hoped more talented people would join his ranks. Although Ishiwara's reputation was poor, Nagata did not care about such worldly evaluations. Based on Nagata's understanding of Ishiwara, his behavior was simply because he was too clever and looked down on others. In essence, Ishiwara, like Nagata, looked forward to a bright future for the Great Japanese Empire.

"Ishiwara-kun, I believe the Great Japanese Empire should be completely integrated, rather than as it is now, with various factions wary of one another. To change this situation, every sector must receive corresponding power within the same integrated system, and they must also bear corresponding obligations..."

Ishiwara listened seriously to Nagata's explanation. Personally, he admired Nagata's insight and ability. Nagata not only had a clear and lucid understanding of the various factions within Japan but could also gauge their upper and lower limits. In Nagata's description, the goal was to establish prestige and gain trust through cooperation and maneuvering with these domestic factions, ultimately integrating all of Japan's forces.

Nagata seemed to be speaking casually, but he was closely observing Ishiwara's reactions. It was evident that Ishiwara understood completely. when Nagata reached the subtle points, Ishiwara would unconsciously reveal a knowing smile. However, having fully understood these things, Ishiwara showed not a shred of excitement.

This confirmed to Nagata that Ishiwara must have performed similar deductions. Their depth and breadth were likely no less than Nagata's own. Thus, Nagata deliberately left a few opening, and just as he expected, Ishiwara's seemingly joking responses profoundly pointed out the pulse and vital points of the different domestic factions. The pulse was for manipulation; the vital points were for coercion and strikes.

Since they were so compatible, Nagata could only judge that there must be a major divergence on one key point. Nagata stopped walking, lit a cigarette for himself and one for Ishiwara, and then asked, "I have said so much. If Ishiwara-kun is unwilling to offer some guidance, would I not be left empty-handed?"

Ishiwara took a drag of his cigarette and decided to show his hand. "Nagata-kun, in my view, you are a talent who pursues the welfare of the state. Since the Meiji Restoration, those in the upper echelons who refused to accept the concept of the state have been destroyed. Of those remaining, not many likely serve the state with sincerity. Nagata-kun exhausts his wisdom trying to tame them, to integrate them. This is remarkable ambition and intelligence. However, I see no place for the Japanese people in Nagata-kun's design. I do not believe Nagata-kun has overlooked this unintentionally."

Nagata unconsciously frowned. He had never imagined that someone as clever as Ishiwara would think the people should have their own independent place. The people were limited by their livelihood; giving them their own place would only trigger all manner of meaningless chaos.

Since Ishiwara cared so much about the people, he could certainly not be an integrationist. Nagata knew very well that there was indeed no place for the Japanese people within the integrationist faction. There hadn't been in the past, there wasn't now, and there wouldn't be in the future.

Even so, Nagata urged, "Ishiwara-kun, once we hold power, we will naturally treat the people better."

Ishiwara smiled faintly. The smile made the round-faced young officer look radiant, yet it also revealed a certain sorrow, for Ishiwara indeed felt sorrow for Japan's fate. Even Nagata Tetsuzan, the most highly regarded man in the army, had abandoned the Japanese people. Hoping for the high command to implement policies beneficial to the people was even more impossible. This was the status quo of the Japanese military: many were dissatisfied, many wanted to struggle, but no one could lead the army onto the path Ishiwara approved of.

Although more than half the cigarette remained, Ishiwara flicked his finger, and the cigarette flew out, tumbling through the air before diving into the soft snow.

"Nagata-kun, if the Japanese people are not saved, Japan cannot be saved. No matter how one deceives and drives the people, the people ultimately live for themselves. Once the forceful trends and spiritual deceptions no longer work, all who do so will be torn to shreds by the angry people. Even at that time, the Japanese people may not necessarily be saved. But 'will the instigator leave no posterity?' Those people will all face retribution. You certainly do not believe my words, so let the future prove my view."

With that, Ishiwara strode away, heading in his own direction.

Nagata watched Ishiwara's retreating figure, his heart somewhat in turmoil. Ishiwara was truly unpopular in the army not only because he was too clever and arrogant but also because he was too serious—he could not tolerate a grain of sand in his eye.

For Japanese people, feigning compliance—saying one thing and doing another—was almost an innate ability. One could hardly survive in Japan without doing so. Yet Ishiwara was one of the very few who, relying on his own ability, had gained a status where he could refuse to do so without being punished by ordinary society.

Ishiwara's rejection of Nagata was definitely not because he was holding out for a better offer. Nagata and Ishiwara truly walked different paths and could not make plans together.

Nagata had been rejected by many, but this time it was particularly hard to accept. To be denied so thoroughly was something Nagata had never encountered before.

Only when Ishiwara had walked far away did Nagata manage to recover his mood. He sneered, turned, and left. The two sets of footprints that had originally walked side by side separated here, leaving trails in their respective directions.

***

In this deep winter, footprints were everywhere. On the road from Vladivostok to the Chinese border, the snow, trampled by many, no longer showed individual footprints, only paths beaten down by human feet.

The White Russians did not choose to stay in Vladivostok to 'die for their country.' Their leader, Kolchak, was merely the executive of a provisional government. Including Kolchak, Russia had two provisional governments: the Kolchak Provisional Government and the Denikin Provisional Government.

As Red Army artillery fire rained down on Vladivostok from the north, the White Russians, with nowhere else to go, could only flee toward Northeast China.

Appearing before these million White Russian refugees were the barbed wire and fortifications on the Chinese border, along with hundreds of thousands of Northeast troops. The entire army was on high alert against the White Russians. All those who chose to enter the border would have their weapons confiscated, but their personal property would absolutely not be looted. The Northeast Army organized these White Russians into small groups of several people, registered them, and then settled them separately.

Subsequently, the groups of White Russians, who clearly didn't know each other well, were formed into squads, put on trains, and transported to the settlement area at Yingkou Port.

Reports about He Rui in European and American newspapers had indeed caused quite a sensation. The publics in Britain, France, and the United States hoped their governments would contribute to the effort to save these white people.

For the United States, a nation of immigrants, absorbing an extra two or three hundred thousand impoverished Russians was not unacceptable. Britain and France possessed vast colonies, and their own domestic slums were extensive. Accommodating a few hundred thousand White Russians each would be effortless.

Most importantly, He Rui had emphasized the 'white race' characteristic of the Russians in his propaganda. Before World War I, the Shanghai International Settlement had taken great care of white people, even providing boat tickets home for those who were destitute.

So, after this humanitarian event occurred, Britain and France urgently dispatched ships. Although Japan had no intention of accepting White Russian refugees, the United States paid to charter some Japanese ships to transport them.

By April 1921, when spring flowers were blooming, fewer than four thousand White Russian refugees remained in the Northeast. The vast majority of these four thousand were women who, for various reasons, had decided to stay in China and marry Chinese men.

He Rui was indifferent to this. There was a more important matter at hand. In the Soviet Russian territory on the north bank of the Heilongjiang River, there was a coal mine. The heat value of the coal here was not high, only 1,800. Compared to anthracite with a heat value of 4,000 to 5,000, it was completely inferior coal.

The value of this coal as fuel was very low, but once mined, it could undergo chemical processing to produce coal gas, coal-derived gasoline, and other chemical raw materials.

Russians were sometimes very direct in their dealings. After negotiations by the business delegation, Russia allowed the Chinese side to establish mines directly there. Half of the various products would be 'sold' to the Soviet Russian government, and the other half would be exported to the Northeast. Of course, this half of the products was not actually paid for; instead, it served as the mining rights fee and annual mining tax.

From a commercial perspective, this practice was very rough, non-standard, and unreliable. But since the other party was Soviet Russia, He Rui could understand. If the Soviet side were proficient in business, perhaps it wouldn't have collapsed in seventy-odd years.

As for He Rui himself, he didn't spend his time on commercial negotiations. Instead, he utilized his technical skills and worked with the engineering team to solve the technical problems of the fractional distillation equipment.

As the saying goes, 'Watching others carry the load is easy; carrying it yourself breaks the back.' Although He Rui had a lot of book knowledge, when it came to practice, he had to rely on the scientists and technicians recruited in the Northeast to tackle the key problems together before they barely managed to get it working.

Therefore, He Rui absolutely refused to let his name appear in the initial process flow documents.

The technicians confirmed that He Rui was not merely being mysterious but truly 'taking no credit,' and they all felt strong admiration for him.

Only He Rui knew the truth about himself. The people—the working people who walked the correct path and mastered advanced productive forces—were the main force creating history. Only when He Rui, as a member of the working people, worked hard together with everyone could such a project be completed. He Rui was truly unwilling to let his willfulness spoil such a beautiful experience.

The technicians in the Northeast busied themselves until August 1921, finally transporting the first batch of products back to the Northeast. In terms of the purity of the gasoline and chemical products, this batch could only be described as just passable.

But this was not important, because Soviet Russia's performance exceeded He Rui's expectations. According to the commercial contract, the Soviet side was to take half the products. However, the coal was never even transported out of the mine; it was directly 'sold' by the Soviets to the Northeast side. The processing plant built by the Northeast side handled the processing. In other words, the Northeast actually obtained 100% of the coal. And Soviet Russia obtained money to purchase Northeast products.

With such a thing happening, He Rui naturally appreciated Soviet Russia's flexible attitude. And most importantly, a portion of these chemical products could be used to produce synthetic rubber.

Compared to natural rubber, synthetic rubber had many disadvantages. One was that due to the presence of too many other compounds during production, it easily triggered allergies. That was why 'Durex' condoms would be labeled '100% natural rubber.'

In addition, the cost of synthetic rubber was not necessarily cheaper than natural rubber; it might even be more expensive.

However, the greatest advantage of synthetic rubber was something natural rubber could not match: synthetic rubber could be produced in factories 24 hours a day, 365 days a year. As long as there was petroleum or chemical raw materials, it could be produced continuously, unaffected by climate or by the British, French, and Dutch who controlled the shipping lanes to the South China Sea.

Current freight rates were not low, and the price of the Soviet coal mine was exceptionally low. By October, the first batch of synthetic rubber left the factory. Rubber tires for various vehicles and rubber soles for boots began to use this rubber.

In proper commercial conduct, He Rui had to indicate the source of the synthetic rubber. Thus, the Northeast government openly wrote 'Synthetic Rubber' on the labels of the rubber provided to Soviet Russia.

Although the Soviet Russian business delegation looked peculiar after seeing the labels and manuals, they did not make things difficult. After testing and finding that the difference between artificial and natural rubber was minimal, they accepted the goods.

At this time, trains were constantly coming and going on the Trans-Siberian Railway. Ores and timber were transported to the Northeast car after car. After unloading at the freight yards in the Northeast, they were reloaded with industrial and agricultural products and returned to Soviet Russia.

Even the agricultural products were processed goods; even the Northeast soybeans were processed into soybean oil.

He Rui had heard about Monsanto stealing the genes of high-oil-yield Chinese soybeans. Since Monsanto had stolen them, it proved that China indeed had such soybeans. So He Rui had constantly sent people to search for seeds, and eventually, he found them. There were indeed several types of soybeans with oil yields far higher than others.

After finding the good seeds, they were domesticated and cultivated, and now they could finally be exported in large quantities. Moreover, only a small portion of this soybean oil was exported; more of it was made into oil-based chemical products, such as soap. Russia also had soap, but much of it used animal fat, resulting in a very unpleasant smell. Soybean oil soap smelled much better, was milder, and had a much smaller effect on the skin.

In 1921, the educational achievements of the Northeast region were impressive. More than 27,000 high school students and over 2,600 university students graduated. Employers in various sectors happily recruited these well-educated students. Students had simple social connections, which employers liked best.

Especially the military, which possessed limited priority selection rights, selected a batch from among these top talents. Although it would take at least half a year to determine if these people were suitable for military service, the army had vast space, and various technical departments needed people. For example, those graduating with foreign language majors were immediately assigned to foreign affairs positions. Thus, young recruits new to intelligence gathering delivered the news that 'Yamagata Aritomo has lost power and is being called a traitor to the country at home' to He Rui.

He Rui did not care about Yamagata Aritomo. Such an old man could no longer keep up with the situation at all. If Yamagata Aritomo were in charge of Japan's operations against China, He Rui felt his chances of winning would double. However, since it was impossible for Yamagata Aritomo to sit in such a position again, He Rui naturally did not care about the old man.

On the surface, Yamagata Aritomo's loss of power was because Princess Nagako of Kuni (the future Empress Kōjun), who had been informally selected as the fiancée of the Crown Prince (later Emperor Shōwa), was found to have a history of color blindness in her maternal family. Elder Statesman Yamagata Aritomo demanded the engagement be broken off, but the Kuni family opposed it. Right-wing forces were dissatisfied with this, and the confrontation between the two sides deepened.

Emperor Taishō naturally did not want to be constrained by forces like Yamagata Aritomo, so he opposed it with all his might. The matter ended with no change to the engagement. Since the authorities controlled reports on the matter, it did not cause a noticeable commotion in the press, yet the incident made the Imperial Family issue the focus of political struggle. Yamagata was called a "traitor," and his political power suffered a blow.

After reading it, He Rui tossed the news aside. Let alone the Crown Princess's family having color blindness, even if Japan's Crown Princess were a female gorilla, it could not arouse He Rui's interest in gossip.

It was just like in the anti-corruption news of the 21st century, where affairs of the lower body were often treated as seemingly important reasons. In fact, these were all surface manifestations, just like an iceberg where no more than one-tenth of the total volume is exposed above the water. That is the so-called tip of the iceberg.

Let alone the 21st century, from the founding of our Party, a cadre with working ability who was neither greedy nor corrupt would absolutely not be brought down just because he couldn't keep his belt tightened. Of course, the prerequisite was being neither greedy nor corrupt and having considerable working ability. If one were an incompetent person, this matter would be enough to completely affect their future.

Another piece of news came from the Ministry of Commerce. Japan had raised tariffs on chemical products imported from the Northeast, especially daily chemical products like soap. Although He Rui didn't care much, he took it more seriously than the high-level struggles in Japan.

Soviet Russia had a huge demand for this, but the price Russia was willing to pay was lower than Japan. That is to say, the capacity exploding in the Northeast was huge; otherwise, this matter probably wouldn't have made it to He Rui's desk. The Commerce Department would have handled it.

Moreover, the Commerce Department also proposed a solution: increase sales to the chaos inside the Pass (China proper) or sell in the Mongolian region. Both had their pros and cons. Selling in the Mongolian region could satisfy the demand there. However, items like soap in the Mongolian region could only serve as rewards to increase the people's trust in the government. Making money was naturally out of the question; it was a political action.

Selling inside the Pass would command a higher price, but the Northeast's sales to the Pass were currently flourishing, triggering dissatisfaction among quite a few local forces inside the Pass. It wasn't just foreign goods impacting China's traditional economy now, but Northeast goods as well.

He Rui felt this issue was likely a game between two departments in the Northeast, so he had the file forwarded to Chief Executive Wu Youping to resolve.

After finishing the official documents, he received a private letter. It was from Morita Mitsuko, and it was written entirely in Chinese.

He Rui didn't go picking out the typos or words used differently than in Chinese. Overall, Mitsuko wanted to do an exclusive interview with He Rui. He Rui was naturally willing, so he wrote a reply to Morita Mitsuko, expressing his willingness to accept the interview.