The speed at which the Russian front collapsed elicited a rich variety of expressions from the officers at the Japanese Army General Staff Headquarters. Most of the younger officers looked relaxed, while the generals over fifty maintained the grave composure befitting their rank. Among them were Lieutenant General Tachibana, the former Commander of the Kwantung Army, and Lieutenant General Kawai Misao, the current Commander who had not yet assumed his post.

The two lieutenant generals watched the situation report with their hands clasped behind their backs. Lieutenant General Kawai did not entirely trust the reliability of the intelligence, yet he remained silent. Under the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, both sides recognized the "independence" of China and Korea. If their interests in these regions were threatened by external aggression or internal unrest, either party could take necessary measures.

When it came to dealing with Russia, intelligence sharing was one such measure. Since the British were already in a quasi-state of war with Soviet Russia, the flow of intelligence with Japan was exceptionally smooth.

According to British intelligence, the maps showing the last few days of troop movements indicated that the Polish army commanded by Piłsudski was pouring through the breach like a flood from a burst dam, driving straight into the Soviet Red Army's rear. They had cut off the Red Army and encircled them.

This shift in the war left Lieutenant General Kawai speechless. The Soviet Red Army, which had beaten the White Russians fleeing into Vladivostok all the way from the Urals to the Far East, was now being routed. If the Red Army generals commanding this war were only of this caliber, it was truly hard to imagine how they had defeated a million-strong White Army.

The field grade officers were visibly more agitated than the generals. They stood watching the display board for a while longer before turning their gazes toward General Uehara Yūsaku, the Chief of the General Staff.

General Uehara had remained silent. Looking at these officers who hadn't spoken but whose faces were eager for action, he said coldly, "Even He Rui is not anxious; why are you gentlemen so impatient?"

Out of the corner of his eye, Lieutenant General Kawai seemed to notice Lieutenant General Tachibana looking at him. When he turned his head, he saw that Tachibana had already looked away, avoiding eye contact. Kawai also lowered his gaze.

Using He Rui, a Chinese man, to reprimand Japanese officers was already somewhat inappropriate. Moreover, the status He Rui held was, in Kawai's view, even less suitable for such a comparison. However, this also demonstrated General Uehara's attitude: the Chief of the General Staff of the Great Japanese Empire did not wish to deploy troops at this time.

The field officers clearly wanted to join the war. Hearing General Uehara's words, Lieutenant Colonel Ushijima stepped forward and said loudly, "Your Excellency, this subordinate has returned from Siberia. The Russian army's combat effectiveness is indeed weak; their only advantage lies in their familiarity with the terrain. None of the current Soviet Red Army personnel participated in the Russo-Japanese War. In terms of geographical familiarity, the Imperial Japanese Army actually surpasses the Soviet Red Army."

Hearing Lieutenant Colonel Ushijima Mitsuru's explanation, the young officers felt even more excited. From any angle, this was the optimal time for Japan to seize Vladivostok. The Soviet Red Army lacked combat power, and the White Russian government-in-exile was in the Far East. This situation was an even better opportunity than the annexation of Korea.

If successful, Japan's territorial area could double—perhaps even triple.

Just as the officers' blood was boiling, General Uehara, his expression indifferent, asked coldly, "And if He Rui deploys troops to attack our army?"

Ushijima Mitsuru froze for a moment, then immediately stood at attention and replied, "Then we shall annihilate He Rui as well. Manchuria and Mongolia are the Empire's lifeline. If we can secure both the Far East and Manchuria and Mongolia simultaneously, the Empire will secure a prosperous future."

Lieutenant General Kawai looked at his student, Ushijima Mitsuru, with a mix of emotions. He Rui had graduated in 1915; Ushijima Mitsuru in 1916. Between He Rui and Ushijima, Kawai naturally supported Ushijima, but Ushijima's thinking really could not compare to He Rui's. Even though Ushijima had experience serving and fighting in the Far East, while He Rui had only been involved in a few minor skirmishes since his 1915 graduation—if they could even be called battles—Kawai still believed that Ushijima fell far short of He Rui.

But the field officers clearly didn't think so. Their eyes shone with anticipation for military glory and territorial expansion as they looked expectantly at General Uehara.

General Uehara's face was dark. He ordered, "The generals and Nagata-kun stay. The rest of you, leave."

The field officers were stunned, but could only salute and depart. Once they were gone, General Uehara sat back in his chair and said unhappily, "The Cabinet has rejected the proposal to deploy troops."

"Why?" Lieutenant General Tachibana asked, puzzled.

General Uehara's tone and expression were filled with displeasure. "Prime Minister Hara Takashi says the national budget is exhausted. There is no money to expand the war."

Seeing the General's resentful expression, Lieutenant General Kawai confirmed once again that General Uehara, a hawk, had not changed his long-standing position. Lieutenant General Tachibana, having just stepped down as Kwantung Army Commander, asked, "Your Excellency, is there really no other way?"

No one spoke; the generals felt quite frustrated. Without military funding, the army could not fight. They either bowed their heads in thought or looked at one another. Just then, General Uehara called out, "Nagata!"

Lieutenant Colonel Nagata Tetsuzan, sitting at the very end, stood up and answered loudly, "Yes!"

Everyone's eyes fell on Nagata Tetsuzan. Lieutenant General Kawai had been He Rui's principal at the academy, and Nagata Tetsuzan was a student who had graduated from the Army War College before Kawai became principal. But Kawai knew that Nagata Tetsuzan's reputation in the Japanese military was by no means inferior to He Rui's.

Just this year, Nagata had submitted a comprehensive "Proposal for National Mobilization" to the Japanese Army authorities, which had received unanimous praise. Even General Ugaki Kazushige had praised Nagata, saying his work was more brilliant than General Ludendorff's theory of total war in Germany.

General Uehara did not speak, simply raising his head slightly to signal him. Nagata stood at attention and said loudly, "Your Excellency, this subordinate believes that if our army wishes to acquire land in the Far East, we will certainly face joint suppression from Britain and France. It would be a situation where the loss outweighs the gain. Furthermore, our army faces a severe threat: by 1926 at the latest, He Rui will launch a campaign to unify China. At that time, the Empire will inevitably come into conflict with He Rui. Therefore, this subordinate believes that even if we only wish to move against Russia, we need to apply pressure on He Rui. We must force He Rui to bow to the Empire."

Listening to Nagata Tetsuzan's explanation, the former Kwantung Army Commander Lieutenant General Tachibana looked serious. "Nagata-kun, why do you say that?"

Nagata answered decisively, "Based on the data I have obtained and the simulations I have run, by early 1925 at the latest, He-kun will have the capacity to maintain a combat force of 500,000 men. No warlord within China will be able to resist He-kun's military power."

A look of satisfaction appeared on Lieutenant General Tachibana's face, but he immediately asked seriously, "Does Nagata-kun mean we should expand the scale of the war?"

This question was shared by the generals. Facing the Far East was troublesome enough; if they provoked He Rui in the Northeast as well, the Japanese Army would face a very thorny situation. Not to mention, the Cabinet would never agree to expand the war.

Nagata Tetsuzan showed no fear. His tone was firm. "He-kun is an outstanding soldier. I can determine that He-kun has already begun comprehensively formulating plans to fight our army, and specifically plans for a preemptive strike."

At this, even Lieutenant General Kawai felt Nagata's thinking was too radical. How could He Rui possibly fight the Japanese Army while simultaneously unifying China? He Rui's 500,000 troops would be completely insufficient for a two-front war.

Before anyone could ask a question, General Uehara stood up and ordered, "Nagata-kun, sit down." Then, the General looked down at the officers from his standing position. "I intend to go with the War Ministry to speak with Prime Minister Hara Takashi one more time. I need you gentlemen to formulate a military plan for operations against the Red Army."

Lieutenant General Kawai simply nodded, but his gaze lingered on Lieutenant Colonel Nagata. Although both had mentioned fighting He Rui, Nagata Tetsuzan's views had a completely different foundation from Lieutenant Colonel Ushijima Mitsuru's. Kawai only recognized Ushijima's loyalty to the Empire, but Nagata made Kawai feel he was credible. Moreover, Kawai was now the Kwantung Army Commander; if He Rui really could maintain 500,000 combat troops by 1924, Kawai might still be serving in the Kwantung Leased Territory at that time.

The meeting ended, and General Uehara strode out first. Lieutenant General Kawai walked up to Nagata Tetsuzan and ordered, "Nagata-kun, wait for me here a moment." With that, Kawai left the room.

When Lieutenant General Kawai returned to the conference room, he saw the empty room save for Nagata Tetsuzan standing by the window, smoking with the window pushed open. Walking up to him, Kawai lit a cigarette for himself before asking, "Nagata-kun, do you think He Rui wants to change the situation in the Far East?"

"Your Excellency, from the moment He-kun returned to Manchuria and Mongolia, he has already changed the situation in the Far East. Although the Great Japanese Empire remains the strongest nation in the region, He-kun does not fear the Empire. He is a man who would spare nothing for his motherland. Furthermore, the Great Japanese Empire will never sit idly by while He-kun unifies China. Even if He-kun remains on the defensive, the Empire will deploy troops. I believe He-kun has anticipated this level."

Even though he had been slightly 'rebutted' by Nagata, Lieutenant General Kawai did not feel it was abrupt. Nagata's demeanor was too relaxed; even when raising sharp issues, he remained elegant.

Kawai thought for a moment before continuing, "Nagata-kun, is He-kun our enemy at this current stage?"

Nagata answered decisively, "He-kun is an outstanding soldier and a patriot. He has been the Empire's enemy from the very beginning. War between the Great Japanese Empire and He-kun is unavoidable."

Kawai nodded slightly. But he didn't know if he was praising Nagata Tetsuzan or acknowledging He Rui's strength.

At this time, Chief of General Staff General Uehara Yūsaku and Army Minister General Tanaka Giichi were sitting together in a car. They were also discussing Nagata Tetsuzan. Although Uehara had been blunt with Nagata during the meeting, he now began to praise him.

Tanaka Giichi nodded, sighing, "Nagata-kun is the Empire's rising star. Although there are field officers who accept the view that Manchuria and Mongolia are the Empire's lifeline, most of them simply want to use this view for their own ends. Officers who truly understand it can be counted on one hand."

General Uehara became interested. "Tanaka-kun, who else do you think understands?"

Tanaka replied, "I believe among the field officers, Okamura Yasuji and Ishiwara Kanji also understand."

"I heard Tōjō seems to be constantly promoting the view that Manchuria and Mongolia are the Empire's lifeline."

Hearing Uehara mention Tōjō Hideki, a look of disdain floated onto Tanaka Giichi's face. "Tōjō is the type who just parrots what others say; he knows the 'what' but not the 'why'. Such a man can be used, but not for anything important. If he were to become Army Minister, it would be a disaster for the Imperial Army."

Hearing this, General Uehara said with a straight face, "Then let's look forward to Tōjō-kun becoming Prime Minister. At least then the civilians would be the ones facing the disaster."

Although General Uehara looked unkind when he said this, the remark still made Tanaka laugh out loud, rocking back and forth. Finally suppressing his laughter, Tanaka wiped the corner of his eye. "I don't think Tōjō-kun has the ability to manage a cabinet."

General Uehara did not reply. If they wanted to get rid of the Cabinet, Uehara felt it would be better to lead the troops himself to resolve that bunch of incredibly arrogant civilians. That way, he could personally execute those damned civilian ministers.

Regardless of his inner thoughts, when General Uehara met Prime Minister Hara Takashi, he remained very polite. Hara was not surprised to hear the judgment that He Rui was becoming a threat to the Empire.

Looking at Hara's calm expression, General Tanaka asked, "Your Excellency, do you believe this judgment?"

Prime Minister Hara Takashi wanted to nod, but forcibly restrained himself. As the Prime Minister of the Great Japanese Empire, Hara naturally had to consider Japan's strategic situation holistically. With the help of his secretaries, Hara had run economic simulations and agreed with the idea that a war between China and Japan was inevitable. He Rui would certainly become a major trouble for the Empire.

However, he could not say this to the military men, and he had no interest in fabricating reasons on He Rui's behalf. Hara smiled. "Your Excellencies, currently almost half of the Empire's imported coal comes from the Northeast. Not just coal; twenty percent of our iron ore also comes from there. what reason do you propose for starting a war?"

If Lieutenant Colonel Ushijima Mitsuru had heard this, he would likely have excitedly declared, *'If we occupy Manchuria and Mongolia and import the coal and iron ourselves, we won't be exploited by He Rui.'*

However, Ushijima was not qualified to meet Prime Minister Hara Takashi, and the two generals who were qualified did not think that way. If they could simply seize mineral deposits wherever they found them, then the United States and Britain would undoubtedly be at the top of Japan's invasion list.

General Uehara said, "Your Excellency, He-kun will definitely become a great enemy of the Empire. One of the reasons Britain adopted the Continental Balance of Power policy was to prevent the emergence of a hegemony on the European continent. A major reason the Great Japanese Empire defeated the Qing was that the Qing had already been weakened by the European powers. If China falls into He-kun's hands, the balance of power between China and Japan will certainly revert to the pre-Meiji Restoration era, or even to the Ming Dynasty era."

Listening to General Uehara actually suggesting an invasion of the Northeast, Prime Minister Hara felt Uehara was simply mad. But facing these "Army blockheads" who only knew how to fight, Hara could only try to reason with them. "The Northeast is also a market for the Empire's goods. If we attack Manchuria and Mongolia, who will we sell our goods to?"

After saying this, Hara felt it might not be forceful enough, so he simply shared a piece of rather secret intelligence. "I have spoken with the zaibatsu investing in Northeast mining. They said that during the construction of the mines, He-kun dispatched engineering troops to participate. Those engineers inspected every mine shaft and made arrangements for how to completely blow them up. He-kun is a very decisive man. If matters reach an irrevocable point, he will never let the mines fall into anyone else's hands."

Generals Uehara and Tanaka were somewhat surprised to hear this intelligence; both couldn't help but be astonished by He Rui's ruthlessness. But surprise aside, neither of them actually planned to attack the Northeast. Before coming, Tanaka and Uehara had divided the labor. It was best to submit three proposals to the higher-ups. The first, naturally, was the most outrageous. The plan to attack the Northeast belonged to this category.

The second proposal would look the most conservative, completely lacking in enterprise. Lacking enough to be nauseating.

The third proposal was the one they actually recommended.

However, in the eyes of the two generals, the Hara Cabinet was a cabinet so lacking in enterprise it was nauseating. Not only did this cabinet show naked dissatisfaction with military spending, but their pacifist policies also sickened the Army Ministry and the General Staff.

Hara Takashi and his Finance Minister, Takahashi Korekiyo, seemed to have completely forgotten that everything Japan currently possessed had been won by the Japanese military. They only thought of maintaining the current military strength while pouring the vast majority of resources into people's livelihoods, improving the treatment of commoners to buy support for their political party.

Reportedly, such economic policies also originated from He Rui. This made it even more disgusting.

So, the two generals simply didn't mention the extremely conservative proposal, because if they did, it was very likely that Hara would seize the opportunity to agree to it.

Suppressing their temper, the two generals explained how fleeting the opportunity to seize the Far East was. The Empire did not need all of Siberia. The Army believed that securing the few hundred thousand square kilometers of land centered on Vladivostok would suffice. The Great Japanese Empire did not need much.

Prime Minister Hara Takashi listened to the two generals with equal patience. When it came to impatience, Hara was no weaker than the two cabinet ministers.

These days, this plan had practically calloused the Prime Minister's ears. Everyone connected to the military was proposing it. Prime Minister Hara barely managed to listen to the end of this scheme, which was so familiar he could recite it backward, before saying as politely as possible, "The British will never agree. And Britain will certainly use every means to stop us."