Xu Chengfeng never expected to encounter two troublesome matters in a single day. In the morning, his father actually showed up outside the Military Commission. At noon, Xu Chengfeng received a notification from the Military Commission: the Soviet Russian Red Army had begun marching toward the Far East.

During the meeting, Xu Chengfeng still felt a bit dizzy, purely from anger. But he had to force himself to focus and listen to the report.

Like everyone else, He Rui was listening to the secretary of this meeting, Chief of Staff Cheng Ruofan, present the situation. Cheng Ruofan clearly didn't have any worries; he looked refreshed as he read the announcement. "The Russian Bolshevik government has informed our side that the Red Army is about to launch an attack on Vladivostok and is inquiring about our attitude."

After finishing the notification, Chief of Staff Cheng Ruofan continued, "It is now early April, and the snow in the Northeast has melted. According to intelligence, the snow in the Russian Far East has also largely melted, so the region should be a muddy quagmire. The extent of the damage to the Trans-Siberian Railway is unclear, but overall, the Russian Red Army needs to advance along the railway lines. There are some roads that are passable, but those would require cavalry units. The General Staff suggests deploying troops along the Outer Mongolian border to guard against the Russian Red Army passing through Outer Mongolia."

Hearing about deploying troops to Outer Mongolia, the comrades of the Military Commission exchanged glances, with many looking toward Zheng Silang. As the cavalry expert in the Northeast Army, Zheng Silang was obviously the suitable candidate.

It was only at this point that Xu Chengfeng's attention fully shifted to the work at hand. He heard He Rui ask, "How does the General Staff determine the quantity and location of the deployed troops?"

Cheng Ruofan answered, "Deploy two divisions to the border and station them along the boundary line."

Xu Chengfeng was already calculating the Outer Mongolian border in his mind. Thinking about having only two divisions along a border of over a thousand kilometers felt truly ludicrous. Due to the Russian Civil War, the Northeast had not felt pressure from Russia for some time. The thousand-kilometer border was practically undefended, and now that the Russian Red Army was coming, the emptiness of the border was immediately felt. With the Northeast Army's current scale of 120,000 men, their strength was too weak.

Just then, Cheng Ruofan spoke again, "The General Staff has another suggestion: do not deploy troops to the border. Simply inform the Russians that we will not participate in the Russian Civil War."

Xu Chengfeng asked, "Then where should the troops be placed?"

"The two divisions would be stationed in the Outer Mongolian capital, Ulaanbaatar, to suppress the Outer Mongolian princes," Cheng Ruofan replied.

Given the current strength of the Northeast Army, the Military Commission couldn't find a better solution and leaned toward the second plan. He Rui held the same view, so the matter was decided accordingly.

Afterward, the Military Commission discussed the upcoming military exercise. Although it was troublesome, the exercise had to be conducted. It was finally determined that He Rui would serve as the commander playing the Japanese army, while Xu Chengfeng would act as the commander-in-chief of the Northeast Army. As various arrangements were finalized, some detailed aspects came to the fore.

Cheng Ruofan asked, "How are the victory conditions determined?"

Xu Chengfeng looked at He Rui, and heard He Rui say, "Commander, you speak first."

"Our army's defeat is defined as the loss of Shenyang. Our army's victory is defined as invading Korea." After speaking, Xu Chengfeng looked at He Rui.

He Rui shook his head. "If the war is fought like that, it would be better not to fight at all. Our army's victory condition is to hold the defensive line for one year. The Japanese army's defeat condition is the inability to break through our defensive line."

This condition left Xu Chengfeng completely unable to understand He Rui's thinking. Although this was called an exercise, it was actually a preview of a future Sino-Japanese war; the current conditions defined the future strategy. The line of thought He Rui proposed was truly puzzling.

Before Xu Chengfeng could ask, He Rui asked, "How were the Manchu Qing and Tsarist Russia defeated? We only need to prevent Japan from winning, and Japan will have to negotiate with us. Our goal is not to annihilate the Japanese army, but to make Japan realize that even with their entire national strength, they cannot shake our battle line, forcing them to retreat in the face of difficulties."

At the mention of the defeats of the Manchu Qing and Tsarist Russia, the members of the Military Commission fell into thought. He Rui simply asked Chief of Staff Cheng Ruofan to explain to everyone. Cheng Ruofan didn't hesitate; he hung up a map and began to explain. The defeat of the Manchu Qing was simple: they were driven across the Yalu River by Japan. Russia's defeat was the same: their strongholds in the Northeast were uprooted by Japan.

With this comparison, the situation became immediately clear. However, Xu Chengfeng was still hesitant. Japan's national power was not what it used to be; would simply stopping the Japanese army from breaking through the border be enough?

***

While the meeting was in progress, He Rui ordered the telegraph room to send the Northeast Army's reply to the Red Army. At noon Shenyang time, which was early morning Moscow time, the Bolshevik government received the telegram.

Among the Bolshevik Central Committee members, Lenin, Trotsky, and Stalin all believed that He Rui would not intervene in the war between the Red Army and the White Army. However, several other committee members were not very confident.

Just then, someone delivered a report. After reading it, Lenin's gaze became sharper. Trotsky frowned, while Commissar Stalin's expression remained calm as he simply packed more tobacco into his pipe. The faces of the other Bolshevik committee members changed.

American troops had landed at Murmansk and Arkhangelsk in Russia. These two locations were on the Arctic Ocean and were the largest local ports; the implication of a US landing at this time was obvious without asking.

Commander Budyonny couldn't help but ask, "Did the United States send us a telegram?"

No one answered, which meant that this US military action was unilateral. The US government had absolutely no intention of recognizing the Russian government.

Compared to this intelligence, He Rui's telegram not only recognized the existence of the Bolshevik government but was even somewhat 'amiable.'

After several committee members excitedly expressed their dissatisfaction with the United States, Commissar Stalin put down his finished pipe. "Comrade Lenin, I believe the United States is trying to buy time for Kolchak. We need to strengthen our offensive as soon as possible and resolve Kolchak. If Kolchak is given another year, he might be able to build a combat-effective army."

Trotsky stroked his hair, which resembled a lion's mane, and asked with a frown, "Are we to ignore the threat from the United States at our rear and advance along the railway line?"

Commissar Stalin nodded. "If the purpose of the US military is to engage us, we should give them the opportunity to do so."

Hearing Stalin express such a view, several committee members revealed looks of disapproval. Trotsky, on the contrary, frowned slightly in thought, then quickly relaxed his brow and turned to Lenin. "Comrade Lenin, I agree with Comrade Stalin's suggestion."

Comrade Lenin also agreed with Stalin's view. One only had to know the distance between the Arctic Ocean and the Far East to understand that the US military was powerless to cross the vast distance between the two. From the moment he heard the US landing locations, Lenin was basically certain that the United States had no intention of engaging Russia in a frontal war.

Since the views of Lenin, Trotsky, and Stalin were basically aligned, the Bolshevik Central Committee decided to annihilate Kolchak, the last major force of the White Guards, as soon as possible. However, there was some disagreement within the Bolshevik Central Committee over who should be in charge of this battle.

Trotsky hoped Tukhachevsky would lead the Red Army, while Stalin hoped Commander Voroshilov would take charge of the Far Eastern war. Other committee members with military backgrounds recommended Commander Blyukher.

Comrade Lenin did not make an immediate decision. After the meeting adjourned, Comrade Lenin invited the two committeemen, Trotsky and Joffe, to his office and asked straightforwardly, "I believe the purpose of the sudden US troop deployment is not simple."

Commissar Trotsky did not have a very good relationship with Commissar Stalin, yet he replied, "Comrade Lenin, I believe Comrade Stalin's judgment to quickly end the Far Eastern situation is correct."

As the Chairman of the Diplomatic Committee, military struggle was not Joffe's strong suit. Hearing Commissar Trotsky speak this way, he formed some judgments in his mind. Up to now, although He Rui had reaped enormous benefits from the Russian Civil War, he had not expressed malice toward the Bolshevik government.

While he was thinking, Committeeman Joffe heard Comrade Lenin ask, "Comrade Joffe, where do you think He Rui stands in this chain of imperialist encirclement against us?"

Committeeman Joffe replied, "Comrade Lenin, I believe He Rui is the weakest link in the entire chain."

Comrade Lenin held a similar view. Seeing that Lenin was prepared to make a concession, Trotsky asked, "Although He Rui will not choose Britain and France, he will demand a lot."

Lenin shook his head. "He Rui's current primary objective is the liberation of all of China. I do not believe he will place his main strength in the north."

Trotsky agreed with Lenin's view, but He Rui's cunning had left a deep impression on him. One had to realize that the Bolshevik government's treasury was currently empty, while He Rui had essentially cleaned out all the gold from the Tsarist Russian Kazan treasury controlled by Kolchak. Throughout the entire process, He Rui had not spent a single bullet or shell.

Comrade Lenin said in his cadenced voice, "This is also an opportunity for us to judge He Rui himself. Even if He Rui joins the Anglo-French camp, we can still win."

***

On April 18, 1920, Lyushinsky, the representative of the Bolshevik government's office in Shenyang, met with He Rui. Without pleasantries, Lyushinsky conveyed the Bolshevik government's inquiry to He Rui, hoping to establish friendly relations with the Northeast Government.

He expected He Rui to immediately make exorbitant demands, but unexpectedly, He Rui immediately stated, "This is also my expectation."

Lyushinsky hadn't expected He Rui to be so frank, so he went straight to the point. "Our Soviet government is willing to maintain good relations with all countries and is happy to see the progressive struggles of all nations."

He Rui smiled. "The Northeast Government holds the same view. The old world must be destroyed before a new, beautiful tomorrow can be built."

Lyushinsky thought He Rui's attitude seemed to express approval for the Red Army resolving the White Army, but facing He Rui, Lyushinsky dared not be easily convinced. After all, this Chinese warlord before him was the man who had taken away the Chinese Eastern Railway, causing Russia's operations in Northeast China and Outer Mongolia to come to naught.

"Will the Northeast Government send troops to Vladivostok?" Lyushinsky asked.

He Rui shook his head and answered decisively, "Please tell Your Excellency Lenin that our army will not invade Russian territory. Of course, whether it is the Red Army or the White Army, the Northeast Army has a mission to defend the country and will absolutely not allow such things to happen. Your Excellency Lenin will certainly understand."

Lyushinsky never expected that the diplomatic negotiations, which he thought would be incredibly difficult, would be completed so simply. Although he still harbored various suspicions, he could only stand up and take his leave. Soon, on April 20, Comrade Lenin received Lyushinsky's telegram.

Now, Comrade Lenin also felt that things were progressing too smoothly. But at this moment, Comrade Lenin's intuition was warning him with a sense of unease that things would definitely not be this simple.

But Comrade Lenin truly couldn't figure out where the problem lay.

April 21. Lyushinsky sent another telegram. In the telegram, Lyushinsky told Comrade Lenin that He Rui had entrusted him to ask Comrade Lenin: if Poland launched an attack on the Bolshevik government, which Red Army commander would the Bolshevik side order to meet the enemy?

In an instant, Comrade Lenin understood. He Rui had learned from some intelligence channel about Poland's plan to launch a large-scale attack on the Red Army, so he was issuing a warning to Comrade Lenin through Lyushinsky.

After issuing the order for a meeting of the Central Committee, Comrade Lenin sighed inwardly. He Rui had waited so long just to expect the Bolshevik government to make the first concession.

When the Central Committee members arrived at the committee's location and heard that the news actually came from He Rui, several members expressed doubts about the reliability of the intelligence. Especially the members with military backgrounds, who believed that He Rui was trying to stop the Red Army from attacking Kolchak.

Almost simultaneously, Trotsky and Stalin both spoke up. "I object." "I believe He Rui's intelligence is relatively reliable."

Facing opposition from these two at the same time, the other committee members were quite astonished. Trotsky didn't wait for Stalin to continue speaking and said first, "If we consider the timing of the US military landing on our soil as a joint operation, it becomes very reasonable. Since the US military is powerless to stop our army from resolving Kolchak, yet insists on landing on our territory, Poland's plan to attack is very reasonable."

Stalin did not want to compete with Trotsky at this moment. After Trotsky finished, Stalin said, "Poland is expanding its army. We originally thought Poland's attack would be delayed a bit, at least until May. Now it seems Poland is very likely to act sooner. However, I suggest we continue to strike at Kolchak. Otherwise, Kolchak will likely start a counterattack in the summer."

Many Bolshevik Central Committee members were made heavy-hearted by Stalin's words. How did Kolchak suddenly go from waiting for death to having a chance to turn the tables?

Trotsky continued, "Comrade Lenin, please notify the frontline troops immediately to prepare to defend against Poland's surprise attack."

On April 23, approximately 600,000 Polish troops suddenly launched an attack on the Red Army. Even though there were preparations, the Polish army, equipped with a large amount of old British and French equipment, still broke through the Red Army's defensive lines.

The fighting will of the Red Army, having experienced the baptism of civil war, was not weak. However, the opposing Polish army, which had not been restored for long, possessed a fighting will no less than that of the Red Army. These Polish troops, thirsty for revenge and looking forward to restoring the national borders to the era before the first partition by Russia, Prussia, and Austria, relied on superior firepower to break through the Red Army's defense lines in several columns and launched a fierce attack toward the Dnieper River.

The Northeast Government had long since laid out an intelligence network. Although this network could not collect any valuable detailed intelligence, such a major event could not be hidden. The Civilized Party Military Commission immediately convened a meeting regarding this matter.

Regarding whether Russia would launch an attack on Kolchak this year, most committee members thought it unlikely. Even Cheng Ruofan, who thought it was still possible, had hesitation on his handsome face.

Xu Chengfeng was not in a good mood, so he asked directly, "Chief of Staff, why do you think the Red Army has the strength to complete an expedition of thousands of kilometers? If I were Kolchak, I would just destroy the railway. The Red Army would be unable to complete the attack. Kolchak has rested for nearly half a year, has reorganized the army, and replenished weapons and ammunition."

Cheng Ruofan did not oppose Xu Chengfeng's view. "Commander Xu, Kolchak will indeed do that, and I also believe the Red Army will have a very hard fight. But judging from a strategic perspective, now is the best time to resolve Kolchak. If Kolchak rearms, the Polish side will make very large territorial demands. This isn't the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, which can be torn up quickly. Poland doesn't have to fight on two fronts, nor does it have to worry about rear support. Once the Soviet Russian government loses its credit, other countries will choose to attack Soviet Russia. At that time, Poland will occupy huge new territories and can still mass troops on the border, threatening Russia. Russia will still be unable to spare a hand to deal with Kolchak. The Poles' hatred for Russia is rooted in their bones."

Xu Chengfeng felt that Cheng Ruofan's thinking was too wishful, so he replied, "That requires Poland to win. I don't believe Poland has the strength to defeat Russia."

Cheng Ruofan was unhurried. "The White Russians fought to the vicinity of Moscow with just the 70,000 rifles we equipped them with. The Poles will only get more equipment. The Red Army has strong combat effectiveness, but their equipment losses are huge, and their troop strength is stretched thin by the rapid expansion of the controlled area. When we were in the Russian Civil War, we felt the Mongolian border was very safe, but as soon as the Red Army proposed attacking Kolchak, didn't we also feel that the long border was difficult to defend? The Red Army will only have it harder than us. If I were commanding the Polish army in this war, even if I suffered setbacks in the early stages, as long as the troops still had the will to fight, I would gradually retreat, prepare a pocket for the Red Army, and wait for the Red Army, which must fight a quick battle, to jump into the pocket."

Recently, the Military Commission had been preparing for war, and Cheng Ruofan unconsciously applied his considerations for war to the Russo-Polish War.

For a moment, even Xu Chengfeng didn't know how to answer, because Cheng Ruofan's judgment made a lot of sense. Beside him, Zheng Silang spoke up, "Does the Polish army have such command capability? Such a stable retreat requires an army that has undergone long-term training to complete. It requires a large number of junior and mid-level officers. How long has Poland been restored? Where is their source of officers?"

This sounded simple, but something felt off. The Northeast Army had completed a large amount of military construction over the past four years, especially training in basic tactics, producing a backbone officer corps.

To say the Poles couldn't do it was obviously inappropriate. But to say the Poles could do it—Poland obviously did not possess the centralized, stable government that the hard work of the entire army relied on.

Caught in a dilemma, the members of the Military Commission found that although they agreed with their own views, they couldn't refute the other dissenting opinions.

At this moment, everyone's eyes fell on He Rui.

He Rui also couldn't be sure who the ultimate victory would belong to. After all, Piłsudski's victory in history was truly glorious; seeing that it wasn't going to work, he counterattacked from a desperate situation and completely defeated the Red Army commanded by Tukhachevsky. Since history was different, there was no way to be sure it would happen again.

At such a time, He Rui smiled. "The General Staff should conduct a wargame on the various possibilities. Deduce all the possibilities. Oh... right. Since we invited retired personnel from the German General Staff to come and provide technical support, why not ask them to demonstrate for us how the German General Staff would handle such a situation?"

If it were before, or before Professor Karl came to lecture, the Military Commission members would have been more cautious about He Rui's suggestion. But now, through several study discussions, the Military Commission had reached a conclusion that He Rui had stated long ago.

As long as it is an industrialized organization of a certain scale and with its own system, other industrial countries can understand the operating principles of such an industrial organization.

Since there is absolutely no need to hide principles, learning how a miniature German General Staff operates is truly a case of 'stones from other hills may serve to polish the jade of this one.'

Chief of Staff Cheng Ruofan recited loudly, "'When three people walk together, there must be one who can be my teacher! Choose their good qualities and follow them, and change the bad ones.'"

After speaking, he rose and left to carry out the order.