The moment of parting had arrived. Lieutenant General Kawai Misao, in his crisp military uniform, sighed, "He-kun, the War Ministry has ordered me to return to Tokyo immediately. It is truly a pity that I cannot visit the Northeast."

He Rui, also in a crisp military uniform, sighed in return, "It is indeed a pity that the Principal cannot visit the Northeast. I look forward to when the Principal has free time."

Standing beside Lieutenant General Kawai Misao, Morita Mitsuko maintained a demeanor that was quiet, reserved, gentle, considerate, and possessed the air of noble virtue. Yet beneath this appearance of the perfect woman expected by Japanese society, Morita Mitsuko was observing the adult world with great seriousness. This was the world she was about to enter; in the spring of 1920, Mitsuko would graduate. She was already preparing to work at a newspaper office, and Professor Taira Toyomori supported her choice, even indicating he could recommend her to the *Asahi Shimbun*.

The two generals, one Chinese and one Japanese, stood before her. Neither spoke the whole truth, yet what they said was true. This was the adult world, treating each other with courtesy. If one did not understand how the forces to which each belonged operated, it would be impossible to understand what the two sides were actually saying.

Based on Mitsuko's limited understanding, both sides had effectively exchanged the information they wanted to know and were returning to make their respective moves. From a personal perspective, Mitsuko naturally leaned towards He Rui, who was like an older brother to her. But Mitsuko felt a sense of unease; what Brother He Rui intended to do was to thoroughly shatter the old order. In Mitsuko's feeling, He Rui did not just want to destroy China's old order; even Japan's old order was within range of He Rui's strikes. Mitsuko could hardly imagine what kind of blood and storm such destruction would bring.

General He Rui and Lieutenant General Kawai Misao exchanged no nonsense. This time, He Rui did not salute but instead extended his hand to Lieutenant General Kawai Misao. Kawai Misao grasped He Rui's hand and sighed sincerely, "He-kun, please do your utmost for Sino-Japanese cooperation."

He Rui smiled, "Principal, please rest assured. Japan is my second hometown. I will strive for a beautiful future for Japan."

For a moment, Kawai Misao couldn't help but want to try again to persuade He Rui to cooperate with Japan in the Far East. But Kawai Misao held back; He Rui was absolutely not the kind of person who would easily change his views. Moreover, from He Rui's perspective, navigating between the chaos in the Far East to gain advantage from both sides was undoubtedly the best choice. If Lieutenant General Kawai Misao were in He Rui's shoes, he would make the same choice.

Releasing He Rui's hand, Lieutenant General Kawai Misao smiled, "Let us part here, He-kun. I wish He-kun smooth sailing in the future."

He Rui nodded slightly, "I wish the Principal long-lasting military fortune."

At this time, the car taking He Rui to the station had stopped outside. Mitsuko bowed to He Rui to say goodbye. If possible, Mitsuko would have liked to personally see He Rui onto the train. But in the upper-class world, there was no rationality outside of etiquette. Apart from following complete etiquette, Mitsuko had no power to act according to her own wishes.

Watching He Rui enter the car, Mitsuko waved goodbye to the vehicle. At this moment, Mitsuko only wanted to grow up as quickly as possible so that she might act with the status of an adult, perhaps even bringing her mother to visit He Rui.

Lieutenant General Kawai Misao was quite satisfied with Mitsuko's performance. In the Lieutenant General's view, this female university student had displayed the behavior expected of a Japanese woman, lending a tender aspect to the meeting. Although He Rui's political judgment was not influenced by these things, this was not Mitsuko's fault.

Lieutenant General Kawai Misao took the train straight to Busan Port, then took a ship to return to Tokyo, bringing He Rui's attitude back to the Japanese General Staff.

The General Staff had long been prepared for this. Since He Rui was not preparing to intervene in the war, the Japanese military had only two choices left: persuade Britain, or go it alone.

If they wanted to persuade Britain, Japan had a very important bargaining chip: the "Anglo-Japanese Alliance." The purpose of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance was to ensure pressure against Russia in the Far East, but the alliance did not cover the United States.

Lieutenant General Kawai Misao and a group of officers at the General Staff gathered around a map of the Far East. Everyone had the impulse to fully utilize the changes in the Far East, yet no one spoke.

What could be discussed had already been discussed. The Russian Red Army had to pass through long supply lines to reach the Far East, and after the Russian Civil War, their domestic economy was in shambles; the arriving Red Army did not have sufficient strength. Even if Kolchak was weak and could not defeat the Red Army, if the Japanese army poured its full strength into the war, it was possible to win.

But who would pay the money? Japan had asked Britain to pay several times, but the British side completely ignored them. Japan itself had already sent troops to Vladivostok, and so far, apart from continuously paying out money, there had been no actual return. To develop Vladivostok, one had to first swallow Vladivostok.

Britain, however, expressed absolutely no approval in this matter. To the roundabout probing of Japanese representatives, they explicitly expressed opposition. It could be seen that Britain did not welcome Japan becoming a continental power.

Some more radical officers proposed that Japan fight alone, thoroughly defeat the Russian Red Army, and seize the Vladivostok region. The General Staff itself did not support such a plan much. Doing so would require sending over a million Japanese troops into the Far East for long-term operations. This military expenditure already exceeded Japan's entire national budget. Even if they won, it would take decades to recover.

If they failed... the Empire of Japan would be finished.

Since all discussable possibilities had been discussed, and with He Rui's clear stance added in, the officers remained silent. No one was willing to break such silence. In the silence, Chief of General Staff General Uehara Yūsaku said, "Since this is the case, gentlemen, meeting adjourned."

Lieutenant General Kawai Misao breathed a sigh of relief internally and was about to leave when he was called back by the Chief of General Staff. Arriving at the Chief of General Staff's office, General Uehara Yūsaku said, "Lieutenant General Kawai, the General Staff Headquarters recommends you as the next Commander of the Kwantung Army, to succeed Excellency Tachibana."

This news had already been rumored in the Ministry of War. Lieutenant General Kawai Misao was also well aware that part of the reason for his appointment as Kwantung Army Commander was to leverage his familiarity with He Rui. Kawai Misao simply replied, "Thank you!"

General Uehara Yūsaku asked Lieutenant General Kawai Misao to sit. "Lieutenant General Kawai, what do you think is He Rui's attitude towards the Empire? According to intelligence, He Rui already possesses a considerable degree of military power. Will he rely on his own strength to act freely?"

Kawai Misao recalled his meeting with He Rui and replied, "He-kun is already a man capable of standing on his own."

"Oh..." General Uehara Yūsaku felt the weight of these implicit words. If said in Japan, it meant He Rui was absolutely not a person under anyone's control. Although General Uehara accepted such an evaluation, he did not welcome it.

But since He Rui had been the top graduate of the Japanese Army War College, becoming such a person was not unexpected. General Uehara changed the question, "What is He Rui's attitude towards Russia?"

Lieutenant General Kawai Misao replied, "He Rui seems to only want to extract profit from Russia's civil war and the pressure of various countries on Russia. I also asked for He Rui's political views. He Rui stated that he sympathizes with the suffering Russian people. I believe he was merely being perfunctory."

General Uehara Yūsaku was somewhat skeptical. The Japanese General Staff had specially established the 'He Agency' and had extensive privileges in Northeast China; they were very clear about what was happening there. Many Japanese officers believed He Rui was a Communist.

The previous head of the 'He Agency', Itagaki Seishirō, was a famous 'China Hand' in the Japanese military. Itagaki Seishirō did not agree with this view. Throughout Chinese history, such policies had been implemented many times. The policy most similar to He Rui's was the 'Zu Yong Diao' system of the Tang Dynasty. Similarly, land was state-owned, people had land use rights, and the state collected taxes from landholders.

As for eliminating political enemies and developing industry, Japan had done the same during the Meiji Restoration decades ago. Crushing law-breaking local tyrants and evil gentry was even more of a norm in Chinese history. The glorious Tang Dynasty a thousand years ago established the Imperial Examinations to strike at aristocratic clans, using the same methods.

If all these were considered Communist behaviors, then the glorious Tang Dynasty that Japan most revered was undoubtedly a thoroughgoing Communist state.

Anti-communism could serve as a political pretext, but in the view of someone in a high position like General Uehara Yūsaku, He Rui's actions had countless precedents in reality and had nothing to do with Communism. The only thing worth paying attention to was that He Rui was striving to promote China's progress, which undoubtedly posed a threat to Japan. General Uehara Yūsaku asked, "Are there any factions within the Northeast Government opposed to He Rui?"

Since Lieutenant General Kawai Misao knew he was a candidate for Kwantung Army Commander, he had done his homework long ago. According to intelligence collected by the 'He Agency', the Northeast Government practiced party politics. So he replied, "Excellency, most of He Rui's subordinates are personnel He Rui gathered through short-term training. They come from within the Northeast and immigrants from inside the Pass, and no factional leaders have emerged. Very few officials from the old Northeast government were retained, and those with some reputation are relatively radical patriots. So far, no obvious policy divergences have appeared. I personally do not believe the Northeast possesses any political figures capable of confronting He Rui."

General Uehara Yūsaku was somewhat disappointed but felt it made sense. After all, He Rui was an outstanding talent cultivated by the Empire of Japan. If He Rui had failed to achieve this, it would have disappointed the upper echelons of the Japanese military instead.

Just as he wanted to continue asking about the political leanings of the Northeast Army, he heard Lieutenant General Kawai Misao continue, "Excellency, during this meeting, He Rui proposed the idea of personnel exchange between the Northeast Army and the Kwantung Army. I gathered his meaning to be that we could send soldiers to serve in each other's units. This surprised me somewhat; I do not know if He Rui has some preparation."

General Uehara Yūsaku inquired about the content of the conversation and also felt he couldn't figure out He Rui's thinking. If He Rui's goal was to let his outstanding subordinates pass the entrance exam for the Japanese Army War College for advanced studies, he didn't need such methods to achieve that purpose.

If He Rui's goal was to establish good relations between the Chinese and Japanese armies, General Uehara Yūsaku felt it was impossible. All intelligence indicated that He Rui was a patriotic soldier; he would absolutely not accept Japanese leadership over China.

However, General Uehara Yūsaku was not troubled by this; he simply prepared to hand this question over to the officers of the General Staff to study.

Finally, General Uehara Yūsaku asked, "Lieutenant General Kawai, do you have confidence in defeating the Russian Red Army?"

Lieutenant General Kawai Misao had seriously considered this question. Russia was indeed in a weak state, but Russia's inherent power remained strong. Now was not a good time for a decisive battle with Russia. Precisely because of this, Lieutenant General Kawai Misao replied briskly, "Excellency, I have complete confidence in defeating the Russian Red Army with equal troop strength!"

It was March 1920 when Lieutenant General Kawai Misao assumed the post of Commander of the Kwantung Army. He Rui did not congratulate him in person this time but sent a telegram to Lieutenant General Kawai Misao and also sent a congratulatory gift.

At this time, the delegation China had sent to Europe had returned. Accompanying them back were over a dozen British and French engineers and scientists, as well as over a dozen Germans.

He Rui personally welcomed them. The one responsible for the introduction was Wang Donglu from the aircraft group in the delegation. Wang Donglu's joy was hard to contain; he hadn't expected to actually recruit the research team responsible for researching German fighter jets during World War I. Although these people were now unemployed, and the Treaty of Versailles prohibited Germany from possessing an air force, the fact that these experts could come to China was truly incredible.

Wang Donglu's excitement did not affect He Rui. When Wang Donglu introduced one of them, He Rui stepped forward proactively to shake hands with the man. "Excellency Haushofer, I have always admired your attainments in geopolitics."

Wang Donglu was stunned. He knew He Rui had connections and significant influence in Japan, but he didn't expect He Rui to have his own understanding of distant Europe. This Karl Ernst Haushofer and his academic assistant Rudolf Hess were scholars. Although Karl Ernst Haushofer had been a Major General in the German Army, the Treaty of Versailles stipulated that the German Army could not exceed 100,000 men, so generals among the millions of German army personnel were now unemployed.

Former Major General Karl Ernst Haushofer was not particularly surprised. As he shook hands with He Rui, the former Major General said in broken Chinese, "Ni hao."

He immediately followed up in fluent Japanese, "I have also read your Excellency's works and have long wanted to meet you."

A German and a Chinese person conversing in Japanese—watching this reality unfold before his eyes, Wang Donglu actually birthed a suspicion: had he misunderstood something?

Or perhaps he was the foreigner here.

After the reception, He Rui invited Karl Ernst Haushofer and Rudolf Hess for a private meeting. Major General Karl looked at the Chinese General before him and asked straightforwardly, "Excellency, do you wish to change the current world structure?"

He Rui did not feel stunned, only somewhat surprised by Major General Karl's directness. But this Major General was indeed a titan in the history of the development of geostrategic thought; He Rui was not worried that Major General Karl would act as a spy for the British.

Thus, He Rui replied straightforwardly, "I do not welcome the world order established by the Treaty of Versailles."

Major General Karl was very satisfied with He Rui's frankness. He looked at the pleasantly surprised Rudolf Hess, then turned back to He Rui. Since they were studying geopolitics, there was no need to engage in the clichés of diplomats. Major General Karl asked, "According to my understanding of geopolitics, China is a state, but even more so a civilization. Therefore, no matter how many times China has been defeated, European civilization has not been widely propagated in China. Not only China, but Japan is the same. The popularity of Western suits is merely the influence of the power of European countries; it has not changed Japan itself. And the clash of civilizations cannot be resolved by mutual infiltration."

He Rui liked Major General Karl's keenness and smiled, "If China can break the system of the Treaty of Versailles, Germany will have the opportunity to break its shackles and become strong again."

Major General Karl nodded, "Excellency, you are a patriot, and so am I. Any research is to serve the motherland. Although the current German General Staff is completely different from before, there are still some who are willing to cooperate with Your Excellency, who opposes the Anglo-French Versailles order."

He Rui asked with interest, "What makes Your Excellency believe that I have a reason to break the Versailles system?"

Major General Karl smiled and pointed to the map hanging on the wall. "May I borrow it?"

He Rui had his secretary bring in a world map and spread it on the wide table. Karl walked to the map and immediately felt as if he had returned to the time of commanding troops during World War I.

In 1869, Haushofer was born into a literary family in Munich. His father, Max Haushofer, was a famous economics professor and politician, dedicating himself to academic and literary work together with his mother, Adele Haushofer.

In 1887, after graduating from a sports high school in Munich, Haushofer joined the Bavarian "Prince Luitpold" 1st Field Artillery Regiment and achieved good results in the Bavarian General Staff.

In November 1908, he served as a military attaché at the German Embassy in Japan. During his tenure, he studied the Japanese military, got to know the high-level officials, and was even received by Emperor Meiji. He loved to travel, journeying through India, Southeast Asia, Korea, and the Northeast, which laid the foundation for him to research Eastern issues and become a premier expert on Japanese strategic issues in the future. Later, due to a lung infection, he left Japan to return home for treatment. He published the thesis "Thoughts on the Military Power, World Position, and Future of the Empire of Japan" and obtained a doctorate from the University of Munich. He integrated his experiences into Japan's rise process, began reflecting on maritime civilization, and finally formed a grand strategic thinking that transcended traditional land and sea power.

During the First World War, Karl was responsible for commanding a brigade on the Western Front. In the confused year of 1919, he was equally worried about Germany's defeat and its future. It was probably around this time that he met Rudolf Hess, who was not only his experimental assistant but also a close friend. Karl entered academia with the aim of reviving Germany. He believed that the geopolitical dilemma of the old empire led to its failure and intended to personally educate the public.

Upon learning that the delegation introducing industry to China's Northeast had finished their trip to Britain and France and arrived in Germany, Karl found the former leaders of the General Staff and lobbied them hard, hoping to make contact with the Chinese industrial delegation. He also facilitated the German Air Force fighter R&D personnel coming to the Northeast.

Lieutenant General Karl staked his own judgment on this: He Rui, the warlord ruling China's Northeast, would become a key force in leveraging the Versailles system and allowing Germany to break its shackles as soon as possible.

His fingertips slid along China's border on the map. Major General Karl stopped first at Southeast China. "Chinese civilization will absolutely not accept Britain dominating the economy of the south, just as the German Empire would absolutely not accept France dominating Southern Germany. War is inevitable."